Politics
2023: North Lags Behind As Voter Registration Ends In 4 Days
With four days to the deadline of the Continuous Voters Registration (CVR) ahead of the 2023 general elections, majority of eligible voters from northern states appear lethargic about the exercise as official figures show.
Commensurate with their population, more northern states performed poorer than their southern counterparts in the latest figures analysed by Daily Trust, even as observers attribute the low numbers to insecurity and disenchantment by the voting population.
Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, flagged-off the resumption of the online CVR, on 28th June 2021, to update the voters’ register after the 2019 general elections.
The INEC register for the 2019 general elections had 84,004,084 voters. Breakdown of the register showed the North West had the highest number of registered voters at 20,158,100 or 24 per cent of the total registered voters.
The South West came second with 16,292,212 registered voters or 19.39 per cent, while the North Central had 13,366,070 registered voters or 15.91 per cent and the South South registered 12,841,279 or 15.29 per cent of the total.
The North East and the South East regions come last with the total number of 11,289,293 or 13.44 per cent and 10,057,130 voters or 11.97 per cent, respectively.
INEC had extended the initial June 30 deadline for the ongoing exercise by four weeks to end on July 31.
Some states have, at various times, declared work free days to enable workers to obtain the voter’s card.
Also, many churches had variously mandated their congregants to participate in the exercise with some of them barring members without voter’s cards.
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How the states stand
According to INEC in its CVR Update Quarter 4, Week 15 as at 7am, Monday 25th July, 11,011,119 registered to obtain the voter’s card.
Out of the total, 7,619,179 had completed physical registration while 3,391,940 had done online registration.
Details of the completed registration show that Lagos leads other states with 508,936 registrants followed by Kano, Delta, Rivers, Kaduna and Bayelsa states.
Though Kano with its 14,253,549 people, according to the 2020 Demographic Statistics Bulletin of the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), is ahead of Lagos, whose population stood at 12,772,884, the state lags behind Lagos with over 8,000 voters, according to the INEC’s data. The completed registration for the state stood at 500,207 by Monday morning.
Delta, which stands third on the INEC chart, registered 481,929 new voters, in spite of its total population standing at 5,307,543, according to the NBS. The state recorded figures higher than many northern states with more population.
Katsina, with 9,300,382 people, according to NBS, recorded only 283,470 completed registration. Niger, whose population was projected at 6,220,617, registered 330,453 while Sokoto, with 5,863,187 people had 293,152 completed registration.
Kaduna, with 8,324,285 lagged behind Rivers, which registered 436,459 voters from its 7,034,973 people, as against Kaduna’s 417,427 new registrants.
Bayelsa, with a population standing at 2,394,725, registered 416,519 voters, way above Plateau (323,960 out of 4,400,974), Sokoto (293,152 out of 5,863,187) and Adamawa (232,525 out of 4,536,948). States with the least number of completed registration were Imo (166,835), Yobe (134,002) and Ekiti (124,844).
For online registration, Osun leads with 708,968, followed by Delta (641,765), Lagos (640,560), Kaduna (574,804) and Bayelsa (550,208).
Kano recorded 369,587; Katsina, 119,137 and Kebbi, 81,082. Yobe, Enugu and Imo were on the bottom with 91,239, 72,167 and 71,180 online registrants, respectively.
Why northerners are disinterested in CVR – Fage
Reacting, a political analyst and professor of political science at Bayero University, Kano (BUK), Kamilu Sani Fage, said two reasons are basically responsible for the seeming disinterest among the northern populace regarding the CVR exercise.
He said the first was not unconnected to the disappointment of the people with the performance of the government, which made many believe that registering to vote will make little or no difference, especially looking at the crop of leaders presenting themselves to take over from President Muhammadu Buhari in 2023.
The second reason, according to him, was inadequate mobilisation by politicians and political parties, noting that if not for the efforts of INEC, media and some elites, the turnout would have been worse than what was being recorded.
He stressed that it was unfortunate that politicians and political parties who stand to benefit the most from higher voter registration were busy with who gets what and when of the internal political wrangling and left the role of mobilisation unattended to.
Fage feared that there will be a very high voter apathy during the 2023 election if nothing is done to mobilise and sensitise the electorate, saying the country is likely to witness what is called “voter’s protest” whereby even those that have the means to vote will choose not to vote to protest against the failure of the government and lack of faith in the options before them at the polls.
Low turnout signs of disenchantment, mistrust – CSOs
Speaking on the development, the Chairman, Transition Monitoring Group (TMG) and Executive Director, Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC), Auwal Musa Rafsanjani, said the low turnout by Nigerians particularly in the northern region of the country is worrisome.
“This, I believe will have a great implication in the way and manner in which elections will be conducted in Nigeria if say the trend does not change before the closure of the voter registration process,” he said.
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He also attributed the failure of many Nigerians and especially those in the North to come out and register in the CVR to poverty, insecurity and failure of governance among others.
He said, “Most Nigerians have given up on the current Buhari led administration as they consider it a total failure because of the events happening everywhere ranging from Kidnapping, massive poverty and unemployment and high level of corruption. This is a huge disappointment in the eyes of Nigerians with particular reference to the northerners, especially considering the fact that the president hails from the region.
“Democracy ensures that the voice of every citizen count, hence the provisions in the rule of law for leaders to always operate within the purview of what the law provides. The rampant breaking of the law by the very people who claim to be lawmakers and policymakers and implementers is another factor that is hindering Nigerians from coming out for the CVR.
On way forward, Rafsanjani said, “The very first and most important thing that the government and all relevant stakeholders must do is to ensure that before the 2023 general elections, all the aggrieved Nigerians are addressed in a way that restores their confidence and trust in the government.
“It all boils down to a gap in communication, people are fed up with lies and deception being told by leaders who always fail to keep up to their expectations and as such they become indignant.
“Another important thing to do is to assure the people that when they do their CVR and eventually cast their votes, it is the people they voted for that will be in office because as stated earlier, most people have lost faith that even if they register and vote, it will be to no avail because the people whom they voted for might not be the ones who will lead them.
“Equally important is the issue of the rampant insecurity that bedeviled the country. The government and all relevant stakeholders must work to ensure that people are guaranteed adequate safety and protection before, during and after elections as election security is of paramount importance because many voters even when registered are afraid to come out and cast their votes.”
On her part, the Director Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD), Idayat Hassan, said the internal displacement of citizens in some states, especially in the North West may have contributed to the low registration numbers.
She said, “Lack of voter education and mobilisation by the politicians may also contribute. The next few remaining days should be utilised to mobilise people to register.”
Also, the Executive Director, Resource Centre for Human Rights and Civic Education (CHRICED), Dr. Ibrahim Zikirullahi, said that in the course of the various civic education activities we organised, many citizens expressed frustration and disenchantment about the failure of democracy to deliver on the most pressing issues facing them, particularly the high cost of living and the galloping inflation, which have made them poorer than the last time they voted.
According to him, other people mentioned the prolonged ASUU strike as a reason for their lack of interest in registering to vote.
He said, “On the whole, our independent assessment of the situation points to a disappointed, disenchanted and demoralised citizenry, which has no faith that voting again will lead to better outcomes with respect to the most pressing economic challenges they are experiencing.”
Also speaking, the spokesperson, Coalition of Northern Groups (CNG), Abdulazeez Suleiman, told Daily Trust that northern groups have been worried by indications that there is obvious low participation in the ongoing voter registration in the northern part of the country compared to other regions.
“The CNG is convinced that the low turnout of eligible people for the exercise is not unconnected to the huge disappointment being felt by northerners resulting from the failure by the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari to meet the incredible expectations he raised in the minds of the public in the buildup to the 2015 election.
“The North from where the APC and Buhari extracted the bulk of their winning votes in 2015 is today unfortunately the most estranged, dejected section of the country with communities abandoned to the mercy of insurgents, bandits and sundry criminal gangs who operate freely and with ease,” he said.
INEC insists on July 31 deadline
Speaking on the development, the INEC Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC) in FCT, Alhaji Yahaya Bello, said the deadline for the CVR exercise remains July 31.
He also warned that those who register more than once would not get their PVCs, as such registration remains invalid.
Bello said that all CVR activities except the collection of already printed PVCs would be suspended on Sunday, July 31 and that the commission increased the closing hours to 5pm daily including Saturdays and Sundays.
According to him, this was done to accommodate the reawaking of those who now realised that they need their PVCs at the last hour of the programme that has been ongoing for over a year.
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Politics
2027: Tinubu’s Policies Under Fire as NDC Pushes Opposition Unity
2027: Tinubu’s Policies Under Fire as NDC Pushes Opposition Unity
The administration of President Bola Tinubu came under renewed criticism on Tuesday as the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) accused the Federal Government of pursuing economic policies that have deepened hardship, while insisting that opposition parties can still unite to offer Nigerians a credible alternative in the 2027 general election.
Ladipo Johnson, an NDC chieftain and the party’s senatorial candidate for Lagos Central, made the assertions while appearing on Frontline, a current affairs programme on Eagle 102.5 FM, Ilese-Ijebu.
Johnson rejected the description of the Tinubu administration as progressive, arguing that a genuinely progressive government should place greater emphasis on the welfare and purchasing power of citizens.
He questioned whether policies such as the removal of fuel and electricity subsidies, the floating of the naira and increased revenue generation had translated into better living conditions for Nigerians.
“Would you call President Tinubu’s administration a progressive administration?” Johnson asked, arguing that progressive governance should be “more welfaristic in nature.”
He also questioned the economic impact of the administration’s increase in the minimum wage, saying the nominal increase had been undermined by inflation and the declining value of the naira.
According to him, government policies should ultimately be judged by their outcomes rather than the number of initiatives announced.
“You can have a lot of initiatives, a lot of activities,” he said, stressing that “these policies are meant to achieve something. Don’t just do policy for the sake of policy.”
Johnson also faulted the simultaneous removal of fuel subsidy and floating of the naira, arguing that Nigerians were still struggling with the consequences.
He equally questioned the effectiveness of education financing without corresponding employment opportunities, citing the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) as an example. He argued that education policy should be linked to skills development and job creation.
On the political front, Johnson said opposition unity remained possible ahead of 2027 despite the absence of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and Labour Party presidential candidate Peter Obi from Monday’s National Opposition Summit in Abuja.
He said the absence of prominent opposition figures should not be interpreted as a rejection of the idea, stressing that political parties must first negotiate and establish an acceptable framework.
According to him, opposition parties do not necessarily have to merge but could agree to support a common presidential candidate while retaining their individual identities.
“It is not just about getting rid of President Bola Tinubu or the APC. For us, in the NDC… it is about presenting something better,” he said.
Johnson also expressed confidence that increased voter participation in 2027 could work against the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), arguing that widespread dissatisfaction could drive Nigerians to the polls.
Meanwhile, he says his senatorial ambition is centred on providing what he ddescribes as a stronger voice for Lagos Central, which includes major commercial and economic centres such as Apapa, Lagos Island, parts of Eti-Osa, Lagos Mainland and Surulere.
He identified his priorities as people, productivity, infrastructure, security, rule of law and governance.
Johnson said he would focus on legislation, oversight and using the “soft power” of the Senate to attract investment rather than promising projects outside the legislature’s constitutional responsibilities.
He also pledged quarterly town-hall meetings and a digital dashboard through which constituents could track bills, constituency projects and other legislative activities.
For Johnson, the 2027 contest will therefore be both a referendum on the Tinubu administration and an opportunity for the opposition to present Nigerians with what he described as a credible alternative.
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Politics
2027: Atiku’s suit challenging Tinubu’s eligibility stalls over service dispute
2027: Atiku’s suit challenging Tinubu’s eligibility stalls over service dispute
A Federal High Court in Abuja has adjourned a suit filed by former Vice President Atiku Abubakar seeking to challenge President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s eligibility to contest the 2027 presidential election, after Atiku’s legal team said it had been unable to personally serve the President with the originating summons.
The case came up on Tuesday before Justice Inyang Ekwo, but proceedings were dominated by a dispute over how the court process should be served on Tinubu.
Counsel to Atiku and the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Joseph Onu Silas, told the court that efforts to personally deliver the originating summons to the President had been unsuccessful.
He subsequently asked Justice Ekwo to approve substituted service, which would allow the originating summons to be served through another legally recognised method.
However, counsel representing President Tinubu, Omosanya Popoola, SAN, told the court that he was willing to accept the process on behalf of his client.
Popoola urged the court to direct Atiku’s lawyer to hand the documents to him in open court for onward transmission to the President.
Atiku’s counsel declined, insisting that Popoola should first provide a written undertaking confirming that he had Tinubu’s authority to receive the court process on his behalf.
The disagreement prevented the originating summons from being served in the manner proposed by either side.
Counsel to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Dr Alex Izinyon, SAN, also urged the court to allow service through Tinubu’s lawyer so that the substantive issues in the case could be addressed without further delay.
Justice Ekwo, however, adjourned the matter to allow Atiku’s legal team to resolve the procedural difficulty and put its case in order.
The judge subsequently fixed September 28, 2026, for further mention of the suit.
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The development represents a procedural setback for Atiku, but it does not constitute a judicial determination of President Tinubu’s eligibility to contest the 2027 election. The court has yet to consider the substantive allegations contained in Atiku’s originating summons.
Atiku and the ADC instituted the action against Tinubu, the All Progressives Congress (APC) and INEC, asking the Federal High Court to determine whether the President meets the constitutional requirements to contest the 2027 presidential election.
A central part of the case concerns an alleged NYSC discharge certificate submitted to INEC in connection with Tinubu’s presidential candidacy.
Atiku alleges that the certificate bears the name “Tinubu Bola Adekunle”, rather than “Bola Ahmed Tinubu”.
The former vice president is asking the court to determine whether the document belongs to Tinubu and whether any discrepancy surrounding the name or authenticity of the certificate has constitutional consequences.
Atiku is relying, among other provisions, on Section 137(1)(j) of the 1999 Constitution, which provides for disqualification where a person has presented a forged certificate to INEC.
The plaintiffs have also asked INEC to produce relevant Form CF001 documents submitted in connection with Tinubu’s 2023 and 2027 presidential candidacies.
Atiku’s legal team argues that the evidence should establish whether the individual named on the NYSC document is the same person as President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
The allegations are contained in court processes and have not been established by any court. Tinubu has not been judicially found to have submitted a forged certificate.
The suit also challenges aspects of the Electoral Act 2026 relating to the ability of individuals to question the qualification of candidates before an election.
Atiku and the ADC argue that statutory restrictions cannot override constitutional provisions concerning presidential qualification.
They contend that where legislation conflicts with the Constitution, the constitutional provisions should prevail.
The plaintiffs are therefore asking the court to determine whether the provisions of the Electoral Act can prevent them from relying on Section 137(1)(j) of the Constitution to challenge Tinubu’s eligibility.
If the court eventually rules in their favour on the substantive claims, Atiku and the ADC are seeking an order disqualifying Tinubu and the APC from participating in the 2027 presidential election.
During Tuesday’s proceedings, Justice Ekwo also reportedly cautioned parties and their lawyers against discussing the substance of the pending case on social media.
The judge stressed the importance of allowing the judicial process to take its course and indicated that lawyers could face consequences for commenting publicly on matters before the court.
The warning comes as the case attracts significant political attention because of the identities of the parties involved and its potential implications for the 2027 presidential election.
The suit comes as political activity ahead of the 2027 election intensifies.
Tinubu, who won the 2023 presidential election on the platform of the APC, is expected to seek a second term, while Atiku has emerged as a major opposition figure on the platform of the ADC.
The two politicians were among the leading contenders in the 2023 presidential election.
Atiku’s latest legal action therefore adds a significant constitutional and electoral dispute to the increasingly competitive political environment ahead of 2027.
For now, however, the immediate hurdle remains procedural.
Until the President is properly served or the court determines an alternative method of service, the substantive questions surrounding the validity of Tinubu’s alleged NYSC certificate, his constitutional qualification and the effect of the Electoral Act 2026 cannot be fully determined in the suit.
The case has consequently been adjourned until September 28, 2026, when the Federal High Court is expected to take the next procedural step.
Whatever the eventual outcome, the court’s decision on the substantive issues could have significant implications for Nigeria’s 2027 presidential election and the legal framework governing challenges to presidential candidates.
2027: Atiku’s suit challenging Tinubu’s eligibility stalls over service dispute
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Politics
APC Defends Betta Edu’s Appointment to Tinubu 2027 Campaign: “It’s an Internal Party Affair”
APC Defends Betta Edu’s Appointment to Tinubu 2027 Campaign: “It’s an Internal Party Affair”
The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has brushed aside public outcry over the appointment of suspended former Minister Betta Edu to President Bola Tinubu’s 2027 re-election campaign council, insisting the decision is a private party matter that does not require public approval.
The All Progressives Congress Presidential Campaign Council has firmly defended its decision to appoint Betta Edu, the suspended former Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation, to a key role in President Bola Tinubu’s 2027 re-election campaign, despite her ongoing investigation by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) for an alleged N585 million fraud scandal. Speaking on Channels TV on Monday, Kemi Asekun-Shittu, spokesperson for the APC Presidential Campaign Council, justified the appointment, arguing that it falls strictly within the party’s internal prerogatives and is “not a public thing.”
When pressed on why the party would appoint a figure publicly embroiled in a high-profile corruption case, Asekun-Shittu offered a three-pronged defense. She began by framing the appointment as an internal party decision, stating, “I need you to see it from this angle. It is an internal party affair if we decide that she is going to be useful, and be able to work on behalf of the party, she does have a right. It is not a public thing.” The spokesperson emphasized that the APC, as a political organization, has the discretion to select individuals it deems valuable for its campaign machinery, regardless of their legal standing. She further invoked the constitutional principle of presumption of innocence, arguing that Edu has not been convicted by any court of law. “I’d like to say that for Betta Edu, for example, she has not been found guilty. And it would be unfair to ask her to leave her life or refuse to live until the EFCC declares her,” she said, expressing confidence that there is a “very likely issue that she may not be found guilty” as the investigation unfolds. While defending the appointment, Asekun-Shittu conceded that the EFCC probe remains active, admitting, “That matter is still with the EFCC; it is being handled,” without providing a timeline for when the investigation might conclude.
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Betta Edu was suspended from her ministerial position in January 2024 following allegations that she directed N585 million in public funds—earmarked for vulnerable citizens—to be diverted into a private bank account. The scandal triggered widespread public outrage and prompted President Tinubu to order a thorough EFCC investigation. The EFCC has since confirmed that it has recovered over N30 billion in connected investigations, though Edu’s specific case remains open. Dele Oyewale, EFCC spokesperson, told the People Gazette: “I cannot give you a one-word answer. But the thing I can say concerning her matter is that investigations are still ongoing.” Despite her suspension and subsequent removal from the cabinet in 2024, Edu was appointed on August 22, 2026 as Director of Women Mobilisation for Tinubu’s 2027 campaign, a role that positions her at the forefront of grassroots outreach to female voters.
The Betta Edu appointment is not an isolated incident, as the 2027 campaign council list, unveiled by Bayo Onanuga, Tinubu’s spokesperson, includes several other figures with significant legal and ethical baggage. Among them is Ngozi Olejeme, appointed as Zonal Director of Election Planning, who is facing trial for alleged N1 billion fraud and was previously declared wanted by the EFCC. Also included are Jolly Nyame and Joshua Dariye, both former governors who have been convicted of looting multi-billion-naira public funds. Additionally, serving public officials such as Zacch Adedeji, the Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), and Tanimu Yakubu, Director-General of the Budget Office, have been named as members, raising concerns over the mixing of governance responsibilities with partisan campaigning. The inclusion of convicted former governors Nyame and Dariye has drawn particular criticism, as both had been found guilty of corruption charges while in office.
The appointments have sparked a wave of criticism from opposition parties, civil society organizations, and legal practitioners. The African Democratic Congress (ADC) condemned the appointments, suggesting the campaign council serves as a “rehabilitation system” for politically exposed persons facing corruption probes, and questioned the government’s commitment to the anti-corruption agenda it campaigned on in 2023. Nigerian lawyers have expressed mixed but largely critical views, with Kano-based lawyer Umar Usman Danbaito telling the People Gazette: “While there may be no legal barrier to the appointments, there are serious moral and ethical concerns. These appointments send bad signals to the electorate and could erode public trust in the government’s anti-corruption fight.” Other legal observers have warned that including serving public officials like the FIRS Chairman and Budget Office Director-General could blur the constitutional lines between governance and partisan campaigning, potentially violating the Code of Conduct for Public Officers.
When contacted for an update on Betta Edu’s investigation, EFCC spokesperson Dele Oyewale declined to provide a definitive timeline, stating only that “investigations are still ongoing.” This lack of resolution—nearly three years after her suspension—has fueled public skepticism about the Nigerian government’s commitment to prosecuting high-profile corruption cases, especially involving political allies, and has raised questions about the effectiveness and independence of the EFCC in handling politically sensitive matters.
Political analysts suggest the APC’s decision to appoint controversial figures reflects a strategy that prioritizes political loyalty and grassroots mobilization capacity over public perception of integrity, signaling a calculated political calculus that values organizational strength and electoral utility above public approval. However, critics warn that this approach could alienate reform-minded voters and undermine President Tinubu’s credibility on anti-corruption—a key campaign promise in 2023 that helped secure his victory. As the 2027 elections approach, the APC campaign council composition is likely to remain a contentious issue, with the opposition expected to weaponize these appointments in their electoral campaigns, framing the ruling party as indifferent to accountability and captured by corrupt interests.
APC Defends Betta Edu’s Appointment to Tinubu 2027 Campaign: “It’s an Internal Party Affair”
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