Atiku: Production subsidy will boost local oil production, put money back in Nigerians’ pockets

Former Vice President and African Democratic Congress (ADC) presidential candidate for 2027, Atiku Abubakar, has criticised President Bola Tinubu’s economic policies, accusing the administration of worsening the cost-of-living crisis and weakening the purchasing power of Nigerian households and businesses.

Atiku said Nigerians were facing rising costs of petrol, food, transportation and basic goods, while many businesses were struggling because consumers had less money to spend.

In a statement issued on September 6 by his Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication, Phrank Shaibu, the ADC presidential candidate said the Federal Government could not rely solely on economic statistics while Nigerians continued to experience financial hardship.

Atiku particularly criticised the removal of the petrol subsidy, arguing that the policy had contributed to higher transportation and living costs.

He also rejected criticism of his proposal for a production subsidy, saying the initiative was designed to support domestic production and refining rather than return to the previous system of subsidising imported petrol.

“This is why my Production Subsidy is about putting money back into people’s pockets. Support what we produce and refine here, increase supply, monitor the price and make sure Nigerians feel the benefit at the pump,” Atiku said.

According to the former vice president, the proposed intervention would focus government support on Nigerian oil production and domestic refineries, with the broader objective of increasing supply, strengthening the petroleum industry and reducing pressure on consumers.

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Atiku said the position of the Crude Oil Refinery Owners Association of Nigeria (CORAN) in support of stronger domestic refining further reinforces his argument for targeted government intervention.

He also cited the policies of US President Donald Trump as an example of how government support could be used to strengthen strategic domestic energy production.

Atiku argued that Nigeria should similarly support its local refining industry instead of relying heavily on imported petroleum products.

However, his reference to Trump was a comparison between the two approaches and should not be interpreted as a direct endorsement by the US president of Atiku’s Nigerian policy.

Atiku said the cost-of-living crisis had become increasingly difficult for Nigerians, accusing the Tinubu administration of making essential goods and services significantly more expensive.

“Tinubu did not inherit this cost-of-living crisis from Nigerians. His policies created and deepened it,” Atiku said.

He cited increases in the prices of fertiliser, petrol and cement, as well as changes in the naira-to-dollar exchange rate, as examples of the economic pressures facing Nigerians.

Atiku said fertiliser had risen from about N9,000 to N50,000, while petrol had increased from approximately N199 to around N1,400 per litre. He also cited an increase in cement prices from roughly N4,000 to about N13,500.

He further pointed to the depreciation of the Nigerian naira against the US dollar as another factor affecting businesses and household purchasing power.

Atiku argued that the consequences of these increases extended beyond individual consumers, affecting small businesses that must cope with higher transportation, electricity and restocking expenses.

He illustrated his argument with the example of a frozen-food seller in Kubwa, Abuja, who, according to him, now spends more to transport goods, power freezers and purchase new stock while customers increasingly struggle to afford the products.

The situation, Atiku said, could eventually affect the entire supply chain as retailers struggle to restock, suppliers wait for payments and customers reduce their purchases.

The ADC candidate also referred to reports indicating that significant amounts of short-term assets belonging to some major Nigerian companies were tied up in unpaid customer bills.

He said the development reflected the weakening purchasing power of consumers, arguing that businesses could make sales on paper but still face financial difficulties when customers were unable to pay.

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Atiku therefore challenged the Federal Government to look beyond headline economic indicators and assess whether Nigerians were actually experiencing improvements in their daily lives.

“Nigerians know the prices they meet every day,” he said, arguing that households were more concerned about the cost of food, fuel, transport and other necessities than official economic statistics.

He also questioned the availability of meaningful relief for Nigerians amid rising living costs, citing concerns over electricity, security, food prices and transportation.

Atiku said his production subsidy proposal was intended to change the way government intervention operates in Nigeria’s petroleum sector.

Rather than subsidising imported petrol, he said the policy would support domestic oil production and refining, with intervention linked to measurable production and supply.

The objective, he said, would be to increase domestic petroleum output, strengthen local refineries, create jobs and reduce the cost of petroleum products for consumers.

Atiku also questioned why government intervention should be considered poor economic policy when the intended beneficiaries were Nigerian consumers and producers.

“Why does intervention suddenly become bad economics when ordinary Nigerians are meant to benefit?” he asked.

The former vice president argued that Nigeria should adopt policies that support strategic domestic industries while ensuring that the benefits reach ordinary citizens.

He said increased local refining would reduce dependence on imported petroleum products and help Nigeria retain more value from its oil resources.

The renewed debate over fuel subsidy, domestic refining and the cost of living is likely to become an important issue ahead of the 2027 presidential election.

Atiku is seeking to distinguish his production-focused proposal from the petrol subsidy regime that was removed by the Tinubu administration.

He said his economic approach would prioritise domestic production, local refining, job creation and lower living costs, rather than policies that place additional pressure on household incomes.

“The choice before Nigeria is therefore clear: continue with an economy that takes more from the people, or build one that puts money back in their pockets,” Atiku said.

He urged Nigerians to support policies that would increase domestic production and make essential goods and services more affordable.

“Support production. Refine in Nigeria. Create Nigerian jobs. Lower the cost of living,” he said.

Atiku maintained that Nigeria must produce more locally while ensuring that ordinary Nigerians pay less for essential goods and have enough income left to support their families.

The statement comes as political parties and presidential aspirants begin shaping their economic messages ahead of the 2027 general election, with fuel prices, purchasing power, domestic refining and the broader cost of living expected to remain central issues.

Atiku: Production subsidy will boost local oil production, put money back in Nigerians’ pockets

Demystifying the Political Monolith: Wike’s ‘See Finish’ Doctrine and Nigeria’s New Political Calculus

Within the arena of modern Nigerian politics, the street phrase _“see finish”_ has grown from everyday slang into a cynical, weaponized strategy of realpolitik, functioning in practice as a doctrine of radical, adversarial exposure. In everyday language, _see finish_ happens when you become so familiar with a person or institution that you lose all respect for them, exposing their flaws and breaking their spell of authority. Historically, Nigeria’s political elite survived on an unwritten gentlemen’s agreement to protect one another:a sort of mutual indemnity pact keeping their bitterest rivalries behind closed doors while showing the public a united, dignified front.

The usual retort is that a political disagreement is a _”family affair”._ An internal matter: a private problem, argument, or decision that outsiders should not interfere with or join. This unspoken covenant ensured that no matter how deep the betrayals ran, the ruling class always maintained an appearance of institutional respectability.

However, the current political landscape has been completely redesigned and formatted by the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, who has turned this concept into a strategy for political survival and relevance. The _wikerealpolitik_ style flatly rejects the polite, diplomatic language that has shielded Nigerian politicians for decades, choosing instead to strip away their political immunity and appearance thus openly exposing the transactional motives of both sides of the aisle.

This open _casting_ replace elite politeness with a brutal, confrontational style of public truth-telling. _Wikerealpolitik_ has rewritten the rules of Nigerian power, shifting the burden of proof from moral oratory to physical, verifiable evidence of governance.

Yet, this approach raises serious concerns about the degradation of democratic institutions, as public governance is reduced to personal warfare.

A major goal of the strategy is to tear down national political giants, stripping them of their moral high ground and showing them as ordinary, typically biased litigants in the court of power.

For years, major opposition leaders were treated by their followers as untouchable,apotheosised patriotic figures who were above regular politics. The _Wike realpolitik_ shattered this illusion during his latest media broadcast. He dragged heavyweight leaders like Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi directly into the political trenches.

By bluntly declaring that these opposition figures would “hunt” him down if President Bola Tinubu loses the 2027 election, he reframed the opposition’s goals not as a noble rescue mission for Nigeria, but as a personal, vindictive grudge match.

Through this clever use of _see finish,_ he denies his rivals the ability to claim the moral high ground, presenting them to voters as politicians simply looking to settle old scores. By arguing that everyone in the political arena is playing the exact same transactional game, he establishes a parity of motive, leveling the playing field and forcing the public to view the upcoming 2027 election with absolute, clear-eyed realism. However, this strategy is inherently reductionist; by insisting that all political motives are base and transactional, he actively poisons public trust in leadership and delegitimizes the very concept of principled political opposition.

Furthermore, playing the game of _see finish_ carries a massive risk, because teaching the public to look at politicians with deep cynicism means they will eventually look at you with that same critical eye. To protect himself from the very cynicism he creates, _Wikerealpolitik_ relies on a strong defense built on concrete, visible performance;treating infrastructure as the ultimate exculpatory evidence. He appears to be on terra firma in this regard. Nigerians have _seen finish_ with empty promises, political manifestos, and flowery speeches, so he anchors his political life in physical and verifiable projects. His style of governance works on a very simple premise: a cynical voter can easily question a politician’s integrity, but they cannot ignore a brand-new highway, a modern school,a brand new hospital,comfortable transit hubs or a flyover that eases traffic and considerably shortens transit time . By constantly reminding everyone of his track record like building 12 flyovers as Governor of Rivers State or completing 76 infrastructure projects in the FCT;he shifts the case from a trial of moral intentions to a verdict based on physical reality. The counter-argument, however, point out that this “brick-and-mortar” jurisprudence ignores the deeper, systemic components of governance, such as human capital development, institutional integrity, and the rule of law. A city cannot be paved over its broken democratic processes, and the transactional focus on infrastructure serves as a convenient distraction from the lack of a cohesive, long-term policy vision for structural reform.

Importantly, _Wikerealpolitik_ does not just use this weapon against the opposition; he turns it with equal force on his own allies within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), breaching the implied contract of intra-party solidarity. In traditional Nigerian politics, disagreements within the ruling party are settled quietly through backchannel arbitration to keep up the appearance of a unified front. This tradition is totally broken by airing party’s dirty laundry in public, openly naming powerful figures like Kwara State Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq and Imo State Governor Hope Uzodinma as people working against him under the radar. By exposing these elite cracks, he shows that the ruling party is not a united family driven by a single vision, but a loose alliance of competing interests. This style creates a state of permanent leverage for the FCT Minister, ensuring his position in the cabinet remains safe because his colleagues know that any attempt to sideline him will result in immediate, public exposure of the party’s _holy of holies._ This survival mechanism, while effective reveals a chaotic and unstable governing style that prioritizes self-preservation over administrative stability and team cohesion.

Ultimately, _Wikerealpolitik_ of _see finish_ has permanently changed how power is negotiated and held in modern Nigeria, but at a profound cost to the political ecosystem. By destroying the old illusions of elite unity, he has ushered in an era of aggressive transparency where power is fought for out in the open through leverage and infrastructure rather than quiet consensus. While this style wins Wike a fiercely loyal base of everyday supporters who love his “talk-and-do” reputation, it also creates a massive, dangerous coalition of powerful enemies across all political parties. By stripping away the traditional respect and protection that politicians usually give one another, _Wikerealpolitik_ has ensured that if he ever loses political footing, his adversaries will show him absolutely no mercy and come for his jugular. As the country moves closer to the 2027 elections, _Wikerealpolitik_ as a political strategy will serve as the ultimate testcase for Nigerian realpolitik, proving whether concrete performance is enough to save a politician from the collective anger of a demystified political elite, or if a divisive, scorched-earth methodology will lead to an ultimate political isolation.

As the different political calculus changes and new jurisprudential formats emerge,it is hoped that a genuine Nigerian formatted political ecosystem will emerge.This will place emphasis on infrastructural optics mixed with human capital development, institutional integrity,advancemebt of the democratic processes and the rule of law.Surely there is enough for students and academics to chew. Indeed these are interesting times.

Asiwaju Kunle Kalejaye SAN Eagle102.5 FM Ilese-Ijebu

Peter Obi, Others Challenging Tinubu Cannot Transform Nigeria — Datti Baba-Ahmed

Yusuf Datti Baba-Ahmed, the 2023 Labour Party vice-presidential candidate, has said that none of the politicians positioning themselves to challenge President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 presidential election can bring the kind of transformation Nigeria needs, including his former running mate, Peter Obi.

Baba-Ahmed made the statement during an appearance on the Mic On Podcast, where he discussed the evolving political landscape ahead of the 2027 general election, his political relationship with Obi and the prospects of the opposition challenging the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

Speaking about the expected presidential contest, Baba-Ahmed said Tinubu should prepare to leave office but argued that Nigerians should not expect a major improvement from those currently seeking to replace him.

“I will simply advise uncle (Tinubu) to please prepare to hand over and move away, but not to the people contesting against him because none of them will improve Nigeria,” he said.

When he was asked whether his assessment applied to all the major opposition figures, Baba-Ahmed maintained that position.

“None of that part. Tinubu should leave the stage. All those people contesting against him, too — they were all in bed together at some point or another,” he said.

The host subsequently asked him directly whether Peter Obi was also included among those he believed could not improve the country.

Baba-Ahmed responded: “Including Peter Obi, I’m sorry to say.”

The statement is significant because Baba-Ahmed and Obi were political allies during the 2023 presidential election, when they jointly contested the election on the Labour Party platform.

Obi emerged as the Labour Party’s presidential candidate, while Baba-Ahmed served as his running mate. Their campaign was built largely around promises of political change, institutional reform and improved governance.

However, their political paths have since diverged as preparations for the 2027 election intensify.

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Baba-Ahmed is now a member of the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP), while Obi has pursued a different opposition platform. The development has effectively ended speculation that Baba-Ahmed would automatically follow Obi into whichever political arrangement he chose for 2027.

Baba-Ahmed had earlier explained that his decision to become Obi’s running mate in 2023 was driven largely by what he described as sympathy for the former Anambra State governor and concern about the political circumstances surrounding Obi at the time.

In an earlier interview with Symfoni, Baba-Ahmed said Obi had approached three prominent politicians in 2022 in an attempt to build a political alliance, but they allegedly declined to work with him.

According to Baba-Ahmed, their refusal disappointed him because he believed Obi’s political project represented an opportunity for Nigeria to pursue a different direction.

“People don’t understand between me and Peter Obi, I have a great deal of sympathy for him. And this sympathy was at the core of our relationship,” he said.

Baba-Ahmed said he would have preferred for one of the politicians approached by Obi to join him but eventually decided to volunteer himself for the project.

“When he approached three major politicians in 2022 they avoided him. I would have been glad if in 2022 one of them went with Peter Obi. They all avoided him. I felt bad for him and for Nigeria as a nation,” he said.

He said he understood that the politicians had their reasons for declining to work with Obi but chose not to disclose their identities or the circumstances surrounding their decisions.

Despite their close political partnership during the 2023 election, Baba-Ahmed has repeatedly rejected the suggestion that his political future is tied to Obi.

He particularly dismissed speculation that he would follow Obi into a new political party or coalition ahead of the 2027 presidential election.

“They thought I would follow Peter Obi to ADC, but I had given enough sympathy then,” Baba-Ahmed said.

“Obi does not own me. I own my independence.”

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Baba-Ahmed has also claimed that he warned Obi against some of the political decisions he later made while preparing for the 2027 election.

According to him, he met Obi in January 2024 at the John Wilson Hotel and advised him to engage influential politicians across different regions, including former Kano State governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and former Kaduna State governor Nasir El-Rufai.

Baba-Ahmed argued that any serious opposition strategy for 2027 would require broader political engagement and stronger grassroots structures rather than relying solely on the popularity of individual candidates.

“At that time, I told him there are key figures like Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and Nasir El-Rufai. I suggested he should engage them,” he said.

He also criticised politicians who wait until an election year before attempting to build alliances, insisting that political movements require years of planning and organisation.

“If in 2024 you cannot plan for 2027, then I cannot continue to be with you,” Baba-Ahmed said.

His comments came amid increasing efforts by opposition politicians to build a coalition capable of challenging the APC and President Tinubu in 2027.

Baba-Ahmed has also questioned the ability of some proposed opposition combinations to secure sufficient support across Nigeria’s regions.

In an earlier discussion on the political outlook, he expressed doubts about whether northern voters would automatically support an opposition ticket involving Obi and Kwankwaso, citing the importance of regional influence, political structures, grassroots mobilisation and individual political networks.

“It is very unlikely that the North will rally around OK. That is my personal opinion,” he said.

Baba-Ahmed argued that political influence at the grassroots level would remain a major factor in the 2027 contest, particularly in northern Nigeria.

He cited Kwankwaso’s political influence in Kano as an example of the kind of structure that could significantly affect an opposition coalition’s electoral prospects.

“The local government is almost his state; the state is almost his region,” Baba-Ahmed said while discussing Kwankwaso’s political strength.

He also questioned how presidential tickets could reconcile calls for generational change with the age, political experience and backgrounds of the individuals being considered for top positions.

“You are looking for new blood, a new generation, yet you may have a vice-presidential figure who is older in age, education, political profile, and experience,” he said.

Baba-Ahmed’s latest criticism of Obi comes at a time when the 2027 political realignment is becoming increasingly intense, with opposition figures seeking alliances that could challenge the APC’s control of the presidency.

While Obi remains one of the most prominent opposition politicians from the 2023 election, Baba-Ahmed’s comments suggest that their once-close political relationship has evolved considerably.

The former Labour Party vice-presidential candidate has also criticised aspects of Nigeria’s economic management under successive administrations.

Speaking about the fuel subsidy removal and foreign exchange reforms under Tinubu, Baba-Ahmed argued that economic policies would struggle to achieve sustainable results if corruption remained entrenched within government.

“Whatever policy, however beautiful it is you bring, that is laced with corruption, it will never work,” he said.

He was also sharply critical of the administration of former President Muhammadu Buhari, which he described as one of the most corrupt administrations in the country’s history.

Baba-Ahmed linked what he regarded as failures in governance to corruption and questioned whether major policy reforms could succeed without stronger institutions and accountability.

His comments have added another layer to the political debate ahead of 2027, particularly because of his previous role alongside Obi and his subsequent decision to pursue an independent political path.

The 2027 presidential election is expected to be heavily contested, with the APC seeking to retain power and opposition politicians attempting to consolidate their various political structures into a formidable alternative.

For Baba-Ahmed, however, the central issue goes beyond defeating Tinubu at the polls.

His latest position is that changing the occupant of the presidency alone will not necessarily change Nigeria, a view he says applies equally to Obi and other politicians seeking to replace the incumbent.

The comments are likely to attract further reactions from supporters of Obi and other opposition figures as political parties and their candidates continue preparations for the 2027 general election.

Peter Obi, Others Challenging Tinubu Cannot Transform Nigeria — Datti Baba-Ahmed