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Why Nigeria and others must not sign the LGBT agreement

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Sonnie Ekwowusi

Why Nigeria and others must not sign the LGBT agreement

NOVEMBER 15, 2023, might be a tragic day for Africa and the entire Caribbean and Pacific region. It is the day set aside by the European Union (EU) to pressure or coax African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) countries into signing the deceptively and euphemistically crafted LGBT agreement between the EU and ACP countries. You may be well aware that over the past few months, several meetings have been convened between the EU and ACP parliamentarians aimed at getting ACP leaders to sign the controversial LGBT agreement. For example, a crucial meeting between the EU and ACP Ministers took place in Brussels on November 28, 2022, to potentially exert greater pressure on ACP Ministers to persuade ACP heads of governments to sign the contentious LGBT agreement. Another meeting with the same objective took place from June 19 to 28, 2023, in Brussels. The aforementioned meetings ended in a deadlock as ACP parliamentarians and leaders vehemently opposed the signing of the LGBT agreement. This is why we are shocked to hear today that November 15 has been scheduled for signing the offensive LGBT agreement. The pertinent questions are: Have ACP heads of government compromised their earlier stance on this matter and now agreed to sign the controversial LGBT agreement? If so, why? Did African leaders consult their respective parliaments and their people before agreeing to sign the agreement? Why is the African media not reporting the LGBT negotiations between the EU and the ACP countries since 2021?

One thing is certain. If the ACP governments succumb to the EU’s intimidation and sign the LGBT agreement, it will spell doom for the ACP countries. Why? Because the agreement is primarily aimed at the homosexualization and LGBTization of ACP countries. This agreement, which takes the form of a treaty, is deceptively and deviously worded to impose the EU’s LGBT agenda on ACP countries. This is why ACP countries must unanimously rise up and resist the signing of this agreement. Why? Because once the agreement is signed, it shall automatically override their Constitutions and national sovereignty of the ACP countries. In contrast to the Monroe Doctrine, Nigeria operates the Dualist doctrine under international law. Consequently, by virtue of section 12 of the 1999 Nigerian Constitution, a treaty signed by Nigerian political leaders does not have the force of law in Nigeria until it is ratified and domesticated by the National Assembly. However, the LGBT agreement has been so craftily worded that once signed by Nigeria and the ACP countries, the agreement automatically supersedes their respective domestic laws and establishes LGBT as their new law.

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It is unbelievable that the West has elevated the barbaric act of inserting a penis into the anus or fingers into the vagina as a civilizational value. The anus is meant for waste elimination; waste comes out from the anus. However, today, the West is trying to teach us the opposite. Regrettably, the West is attempting to convince us that engaging in anal intercourse is a form of statecraft that supersedes more important matters.

As far as the EU, the U.S., and many parts of Europe are concerned, any country not endorsing the practice of inserting a penis into the rectum is seen as not fulfilling its international obligations. The LGBT countries may appear as stars that reflect light, yet they are waterless clouds carried away by the winds of eroticism, uprooted and twice dead. They resemble fruitless trees in late autumn or wild waves of the sea, casting off the foams of their vomit in public. What a shame! Where has public shame gone?

For example, U.S. President Joe Biden has made LGBT rights the centerpiece of American foreign policy. This is why Biden has ordered that the American flag be flown alongside the LGBT+ flag, portraying America as an LGBT-friendly country. The US government is now persecuting Uganda for enacting anti-homosexual laws in Uganda. In his recent remarks, Biden has claimed that LGBT rights are universal international law. He does not seem to understand that international law is binding upon the consent of nations. He is unaware that the consensus reached at various United Nations Conferences is that the laws passed in every developing country, including Nigeria and other African nations, must reflect the diverse social, economic, and environmental conditions of the country, while respecting their religious, cultural backgrounds, and philosophical convictions.

Therefore, Nigeria should not sign the LGBT agreement on November 15 or at any other time. The same applies to other African, Caribbean, and Pacific countries. Instead of succumbing to the EU’s veiled intimidation and blackmail to sign the agreement, they should assert their sovereignty and walk out on the EU on November 15. Nigeria is a sovereign country, as are other African nations, the Caribbean, and the Pacific countries. We should not be dictated to by the EU. We are no longer under the tutelage of our former colonial masters. If the EU decides to stop providing financial assistance due to our refusal to sign the LGBT agreement, they may proceed to do so. However, we cannot yield to the EU’s cheap blackmail and sign the agreement. In any case, LGBT practices are illegal in Nigeria, and likely in all African countries except South Africa. The concept of same-sex cohabitation or marriage is abhorrent to Nigerian and African sensibilities. Above all, it represents a complete departure from African civilization.

I have recently participated in a conference in London organized by world-class public intellectuals. Renowned psychologist Dr. Jordan Peterson and others who spoke at the conference expressed concern that Western civilization has eroded. Speaker after speaker at the conference lamented that the West has lost its history and culture and emphasized the importance of preserving one’s civilization as a significant investment in this life.

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In the feverish pursuit of LGBT sexual pleasure and slavish freedom, the West has lost its core values and identity. Should African, Caribbean, and Pacific countries join the West in this madness? No, we must stick to our own values and traditions. It is suicidal to import practices and lifestyles that are alien to Africa and seek to impose them as laws, all in the name of observing international obligations. It is obvious that the EU has no respect for the religious and philosophical convictions of the African and Nigerian people; otherwise, it would not have been stampeding us to sign the LGBT agreement. Come to think of it, the EU lacks the locus standi to seek to impose on African countries aberrations that are alien to the lifestyle of the African people. Laws are made in consonance with the values of a people. Every country is interested in protecting what it holds dear or its cherished values. The EU has no right to dictate to us the kind of laws we should enact for our people. LGBT is not our value. Gay marriage is not our value. Neither is transgenderism our value. If the West is sinking to the bottomless pit of human civilization with LGBT and transgenderism, it should sink alone; it must not seek to sink together with the African, Pacific, or Caribbean countries.

Happily, at the time of writing, Namibia had pulled out and sworn that it will never sign the LGBT agreement. It is not unlikely that other countries will follow suit and pull out from signing the agreement or signal their intentions to refrain from signing the agreement. In refusing to sign the agreement, Namibia said that the agreement is “not in line with the Namibian Constitution, its legal framework, nor its intended relations and cooperation policy.” It also said that the agreement does not have a definition section to ensure that all parties understand the terms of the agreement and what they entail. According to Namibia, the agreement “refers to a commitment to the full and effective implementation of future outcomes of Beijing and ICPD review Conferences that may bind parties to future processes and outcomes that cannot be predicted at the present moment.” Namibia also complains that the agreement “may elevate non-binding agreements/strategies/initiatives, progress, and processes to a legally binding position or treaty status.

Nigeria should follow the good example of Namibia in this regard and refrain from signing the agreement. Other ACP countries should follow suit. The resolve of Namibia to exercise its national sovereignty and refrain from signing the agreement is praiseworthy. To sign the agreement is tantamount to giving the EU a blank check to fill any amount of money it likes on it and cash it in a bank. Namibia is right. The agreement is a Trojan horse. Apart from LGBT, other provisions of the agreement legalize transgenderism, human capital reduction, and queer behaviorism in a country that signs the agreement. By signing the agreement, a country consents that its children should be taught how to practice “safe”-sex, “safe”-abortion; how to do masturbation, kissing, hugging, penis touching, vagina touching, and how to avoid getting pregnant through sterilization, and so forth, all in the name of sex education or Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE). It is obvious that this agreement specifically targets the children of Africa, Caribbean, and Pacific for corruption and destruction. The agreement threatens to undermine the national sovereignty of the Africa, Caribbean, and Pacific countries that are parties to the agreement. It is targeted at overriding their domestic laws and constitutions as well.

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In the light of the foregoing, the African Parliamentary Forum, in conjunction with African lawyers and some notable African NGOs, organized the first-ever African Inter-Parliamentary Conference on Family Values and Sovereignty in Entebbe, Uganda last year. The conference’s communique later gave birth to what has been christened as the Entebbe Declaration. The Entebbe Declaration has not only unequivocally rejected the LGBT agreement but has also urged the ACP governments not to sign it. Annex 1 of the Declaration states as follows: “WHEREAS the ACP-EU treaty’s supremacy clause invalidates provisions in any existing treaty with which it conflicts, thereby also violating the national sovereignty of countries and the integrity of regional and sub-regional bodies, including the African Union and the integration of regional economic communities. WHEREAS the ACP-EU treaty violates cultural and religious values and undermines the integrity of African family values by mandating the implementation of sexual and reproductive health services and “Sexual and reproductive health and rights” (SRHR), deceptively requiring the legalization of abortion, prostitution, same-sex marriage, special LGBT “rights,” and child sexualization. THEREFORE, we collectively urge all heads of African ACP States not to sign the ACP-EU Partnership Agreement and urge their respective parliaments and legislatures, which are the national law-making bodies of African States, to refuse to ratify this deceptive treaty.”

In conclusion, the EU should leave ACP countries alone in this LGBT matter. Life is about living and letting live. The EU should allow ACP countries to make their own decisions. Practices like LGBT lifestyles cannot be referred to as “human rights”; otherwise, deviant behaviors such as embezzlement of public funds, graft, scams, murder, theft, terrorist attacks, human trafficking, and so forth could also be referred to as “human rights.” You may be aware that as far back as June 29, 2016, the prestigious and highly esteemed European Court of Human Rights, sitting in Strasbourg, France, delivered a historic and unimpeachable judgment that LGBTQ+ is not a human right. The court, which is the highest court in Europe, held that “marriages” entered into by people of the same sex cannot be considered as marriages. As important as this judgment is, the liberal media, such as pro-gay CNN or pro-gay BBC, and others refused to report it.

Therefore, following the good example of Namibia, Nigeria, and the other ACP countries, we must not sign the LGBT agreement. The truth remains that when democracies lose their constituting philosophical and legal principles—when wrongs are described as “rights,” and the tools of law are deployed to do and justify evil—democracies metamorphose into LGBT totalitarianism.

***Sonnie Ekwowusi is the chairman, Human & Constitutional Rights Committee, African Bar Association.

Why Nigeria and others must not sign the LGBT agreement

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STATE OF THE NATION: INSECURITY IN NIGERIA AND MATTERS ARISING

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BREAKING: Kidnapped Oyo Pupils, Teachers Regain Freedom After 55 Days + VIDEO

STATE OF THE NATION: INSECURITY IN NIGERIA AND MATTERS ARISING

THE OGBOMOSO RESCUE: CELEBRATE THE VICTORY, PRESERVE THE LESSONS

By Group Captain Sadeeq Garba Shehu Rtd

Amplified by the Good Governance Group (GGG)

ABUJA – The safe recovery of the remaining pupils and teachers abducted from schools in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State has been met with nationwide relief and celebration. After 56 days in captivity, the children and teachers have been reunited with their families, marking the conclusion of a tense hostage crisis that gripped the nation.

According to the Presidency, the victims were recovered through a sustained military, police and intelligence-driven operation. Eight suspected kidnappers have been arrested and placed in DSS custody, while some members of the group were reportedly neutralised. The Presidency has also stated that no ransom was paid and no prisoner exchange took place, with the terrorist kingpin demanded by the abductors remaining in custody and facing prosecution.

OPERATIONAL SUCCESS OR PROFESSIONAL RESTRAINT?

Security expert Group Captain Sadeeq Garba Shehu Rtd has offered a comprehensive analysis of the operation, emphasising the professional dilemmas inherent in hostage rescue missions.

“Knowing where hostages are located is not the same as possessing a safe opportunity to rescue them,” Shehu stated. “Before action can be taken, commanders must understand the disposition of the captors, the exact location and condition of the hostages, the terrain, and whether an assault is likely to trigger the execution of the hostages.”

The retired officer stressed that hostage rescue operations frequently involve prolonged surveillance, human intelligence, communications interception, and meticulous preparation before force is finally employed.

“The objective is not merely to reach the kidnappers. The objective is to recover the hostages alive,” he added.

INTELLIGENCE: THE DECISIVE WEAPON

Perhaps the most significant feature of the operation, according to Shehu, is the apparent success of intelligence gathering.

“Popular imagination often credits hostage rescues to the soldiers seen during the final assault. Professional practitioners know differently. The visible rescue is merely the final phase. The decisive work usually begins much earlier,” he explained.

Shehu noted that intelligence officers identify patterns, communities provide information, technical surveillance tracks movement, and communications are analysed before any tactical commander can intervene with an acceptable level of risk.

“Firepower may conclude an operation. Intelligence makes it possible,” he said.

INTER-AGENCY COOPERATION

The reported cooperation among the Armed Forces, the DSS and the Nigeria Police Force has also been highlighted as a critical success factor.

“No single institution possesses every capability required to resolve a complex hostage crisis,” Shehu noted, pointing out that Nigeria lacks a dedicated Hostage Rescue Unit comparable to France’s GIGN.

“The Armed Forces contribute operational reach, tactical capability and specialised combat assets. The Police contribute investigative powers, local policing structures and criminal justice responsibilities. The DSS contributes specialised intelligence capabilities. Each institution performs a distinct but complementary function,” he explained.

THE HUMAN COST

Despite the successful rescue, Shehu emphasised that the incident was not casualty-free.

“From official snippets, a couple of security personnel were lost. Lives were lost during the initial attack. Most painfully, Mr. Oyedokun, one of the abducted teachers, was murdered while in captivity. His death reminds us that this was never simply a kidnapping. It was a brutal act of terrorism against innocent civilians,” he stated.

“Our celebration must therefore be accompanied by remembrance. Our relief must be accompanied by compassion.”

SAFE SCHOOLS: FROM POLICY TO PRACTICE

Perhaps the most critical lesson emerging from the Ogbomoso incident, according to Shehu, is the urgent need to strengthen Nigeria’s Safe Schools Programme.

“The 3 affected schools—Community Grammar School, Baptist Nursery and Primary School, and L.A. Primary School in Oriire Local Government Area—like most schools in Nigeria, were in every practical sense UNSAFE SCHOOLS right from the beginning,” he asserted.

Shehu argued that the ultimate objective of security policy is not to rescue children after they have been abducted but to prevent schools from becoming targets in the first place.

“A nation that continually celebrates successful hostage rescues without making its schools safer has addressed the symptom while leaving the underlying vulnerability intact,” he warned.

A CALL FOR COMPREHENSIVE REVIEW

The security expert has called for a thorough after-action review of the Ogbomoso incident, examining intelligence indicators, emergency response procedures, and security architecture around vulnerable schools.

“These questions are not criticisms. They are the foundation of professional improvement. Security institutions that refuse to learn eventually repeat their mistakes. Those that institutionalise learning become progressively stronger,” Shehu stated.

PSYCHOSOCIAL RECOVERY

Shehu also emphasised that the Government’s responsibilities continue beyond the rescue operation.

“The rescued pupils and teachers are survivors of a traumatic experience. They now require protection of a different kind: medical examinations, psychological first aid, trauma-informed counselling, family reunification, educational reintegration, and long-term psychosocial support,” he said.

“Children emerging from prolonged captivity should never become media spectacles.”

THE ENDURING VICTORY

“Recovering the remaining children and teachers was the immediate victory. Making every Nigerian school a genuinely safe school will be the enduring victory,” Shehu concluded.

“That is the lesson we must preserve.”

 

 

STATE OF THE NATION: INSECURITY IN NIGERIA AND MATTERS ARISING

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Nobody needs NYSC reform – Reuben Abati

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Nobody needs NYSC reform - Reuben Abati

Nobody needs NYSC reform – Reuben Abati

Peter F. Drucker, the Austrian-American management guru (1909 -2005), it was who opined that change is an inevitable constant in human situations and that innovation is important in the 21st Century where skills become obsolete at the speed of light and what was deemed essential yesterday sooner or later becomes irrelevant, requiring new thinking, new styles, new modes to remain relevant and to gain new knowledge. But the proposed plan by the Federal Government of Nigeria to reform the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) programme does not fit into this pattern. It is a classic case of majoring in the minors, a misplaced priority, a wasteful adventure whose long-term subliminal objective may be mere self-enrichment that would not change much but rather cause unwanted confusion.

The Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration has advertised itself as a reform-minded administration. But certain reforms do not come across as a priority, and this NYSC reform is one such thoughtless proposition, like, if we may cite an earlier example, the decision to revert to the old Nigerian national anthem. I watch people at public events, they sing along most reluctantly because there was no consensus, nor has there been any buy-in, that Nigeria needed to change its National Anthem. It is important that policies are not enacted or revised simply to satisfy the personal fancy or the whims of anyone, no matter how highly placed. In the case of the NYSC, nobody was consulted. We woke up one morning only to be told by the minister of state for youth development, Ayodele Olawande, that a decision had been taken to reform the NYSC programme. Nobody needs NYSC reform.

The NYSC is 53 years old. Established in May 1973 by the Yakubu Gowon military administration, it was a post-civil war measure in pursuit of the objectives of the three Rs: reconciliation, rehabilitation, and reconstruction, to reintegrate Nigerians and reunite them and heal the wounds of the civil war. The fratricidal war divided Nigeria and watered the seeds of ethnicity and difference.

Over 50 years later, the wounds are yet to heal. The NYSC was an attempt at reconciliation. It started with the posting of graduates of tertiary institutions to cities and states far away from their homes and places of graduation, to allow them to live among other people, get to understand Nigeria and learn to serve Nigeria selflessly. The emphasis was on service. When the late sage Chinua Achebe wrote that “there was once a country”, the NYSC was part of that effort at the making and remaking of Nigeria. It is the case that when the country began to fail on all fronts in terms of security, institutional integrity, and increased ethnic and religious division, a group of Nigerians began to agitate that the NYSC was no longer serving its purpose and it should be scrapped.

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Except that the problem is not with the scheme but the Nigerian factor: the inbred tendency by those in charge to minimise every good thing and ruin it. It is instructive that the Tinubu administration is not contemplating an abandonment of the scheme. Apart from the fact that this would be a disservice to the father of the NYSC, General Yakubu Gowon, who is still alive, it would amount to an unconscionable erosion of a significant aspect of collective public memory. Those who participated in the scheme in the earlier days have fond memories.

On Saturday, during a radio programme, Professor Seun Omotayo, a professor of sports psychology, currently based in Ghana, recalled that when he completed his undergraduate studies at the University of Ibadan, he was posted for National Service in Ogun state. He was not happy that he was being sent to his home state. He personally went to the NYSC office in Lagos and asked to be posted to the northern part of Nigeria.  I doubt if anyone would request such a change of posting these days. On Sunday, I had a conversation on the NYSC with Emeritus Professor Duro Oni of the University of Lagos, in the course of which he held the view that the NYSC remains relevant to Nigeria’s growth and development. The NYSC gave him his wife. He met her when she came to participate in the scheme in Lagos. Today, the woman from Ogoja in Cross River state has given him four sons and six grandchildren. “I probably would never have met her if there was no NYSC.”

There are many Nigerians who have a similar experience: inter-ethnic marriages being one of the gains of the NYSC. Those who would probably never have left their hometowns discovered Nigeria through the eyes and experiences of other Nigerians and communities. Life-long friendships have been formed over the years. I know Shedrack Akolokwu from Omoku-Ogba in Rivers state, for example. I was a young secondary student when he came to serve Nigeria in Abeokuta, Ogun state. He was so much a part of the community. He and I have remained in touch over the years. The last time I saw him in Port Harcourt, he was asking after everybody in the neighbourhood, mentioning each person’s name as if he had left Abeokuta yesterday, and it has been over 45 years since he participated in the NYSC.

My service year was spent in Benin City, old Bendel state. A few years ago, I found myself in Benin. I quickly asked the driver to take me to the compound where I lived. I also went to the department where I was a graduate assistant at the University of Benin, reliving old memories.  I find it shocking, therefore, that one of the reforms being proposed by the Tinubu administration is that corps members may not be posted to conflict areas where insecurity may be a challenge, to ensure safety and reduce the anxiety of parents. Only indigenes of those areas or graduates of schools in such locations would be sent there. This defeats the fundamental objective of the NYSC: to promote unity and open up Nigeria to its young persons. And who the hell came up with the twisted logic that graduates and indigenes from conflict zones are better off in those zones? Every life is important. No Nigerian, whether a graduate or not, should be exposed to danger. It is the duty of the government to address the challenge of insecurity and make every part of Nigeria safe for all.

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Minister Olawande also said the NYSC uniform will be changed, although a final decision on this has not yet been taken.  But the government is considering Ankara or the adire batik fabric. The idea is to promote locally made fabrics and support the Nigerian textile industry.  I dare say that there is nothing wrong with the current NYSC uniform. The khaki fabric and the vest are more durable than either Ankara or adire that would start fading or get torn within a short while. The proposal is also likely to evoke ethnic comparisons and sentiments. Adire batik is largely produced in the south-western part of the country, made for the most part in Ogun, Osun and Kwara states. It may be dismissed as an opportunity to create business for only one part of the country. Igbos are likely to demand that the Isiagu should also become part of the NYSC uniform. Northerners are likely to ask for babanriga in the spirit of federal character. Other ethnic nationalities may also make a case for their own local attire. Nobody needs such confusion.  What can be done is to improve the quality of the present uniform. In our time, the khaki had better quality, the vest and the boots too, but these days, the uniform is so poorly made, its cheapness is unmistakable.

The orientation camp for the NYSC, we are told, will be extended from four to six weeks, and the deployment will be restructured based on choices and processes during the camp, as the new NYSC will offer 11 specialised streams ranging from agriculture, education, technology and digital, healthcare, infrastructure, public service, legal, paramilitary and security, the economy, to enterprise. Corps members will be required to choose any of these streams, where within six weeks they can be trained in entrepreneurial skills and prepared for the job market. We are missing the point. The NYSC orientation camp is not a training school. It is meant to be an experience. If the plan is to teach entrepreneurship, that should have been done at the university level. It is the college curriculum that needs to be reviewed, and entrepreneurship built into the various disciplines in order to ensure a proper alignment between scholarship and the labour market, for a purposeful school-to-work transition.

In its original design, the NYSC was meant to provide paramilitary training and inculcate the values of discipline and service. Indeed, there is nothing new about the six-week proposal. During the 1990/91 batch, corps members spent six weeks in camp and were even taught how to handle small arms and light weapons. But the military government soon abandoned the idea out of fear that the state may have unwittingly been training potential coup plotters. The so-called streams actually exist. In our time, corps members were assigned to specific responsibilities: persons who manned the kitchen prepared the meals and served others, some corps members served as Platoon commanders while everyone marched, we had press club, drama club, and it all worked out smoothly. Part of the reform is to place the NYSC under civilian leadership. Under the present arrangement, the director-general may be from the education corps of the Nigerian military, but at the state level, the NYSC secretariats are manned by civilians, and so changing the headship of the scheme will not make much difference as long as standards are maintained.

What the federal government needs to do is to make the NYSC experience richer and more exciting for those who participate in it. The monthly allowance for corps members should be increased, and feeding at the orientation camps should be improved. Scrap the monthly community development exercises. Ensure that the orientation camps are properly secured to eliminate the risk of bandits and terrorists attacking those camps to kidnap corps members. Corps members should be deployed to places of primary assignment relevant to their fields of study. There is no point in changing from a passing-out parade to a graduation ceremony. Will corps members now wear graduation gowns?  That is not necessary. Will the proposed reforms modernise the NYSC? No. Will they improve employability? I don’t think so.

There are far more important and urgent issues that the federal government should be concerned about at this moment. One, the terribly embarrassing disclosure that a certain Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi Matthew set up a fake Presidential Agency – the Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council (PFIPC)  and Presidential Economic Advisory Council (PEAC) – which the Presidency now disclaims as a scam operation, and yet the said Prince had been operating openly – meeting with key government officials, receiving ambassadors in audience, and running an office at the Federal Secretariat that was duly allocated to him by the Office of the Sectary to the Government of the Federation. He has over 300 staff, including directors, who are all on the government payroll. His fake agency even got a N1.3 billion allocation in the 2026 Budget. He runs 39 bank accounts and even has accounts with the Central Bank of Nigeria. He has since been charged to court, and his matter comes up on July 27. The man is in no way apologetic. He says he has a letter of appointment and that he paid N600 million to the president’s chief of staff, Rt. Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila, to get appointed. Trouble started when his sponsor wanted a lion’s share of the budgetary allocation to his office. He says one Babatunde Tanimola facilitated his appointment, but now Tanimola died in a hotel room in Abuja just before he, Adeniyi, was arrested in November 2025. Indeed, who knows tomorrow?

What we know today is the spectacle before us: a spectacle of institutional failure, incompetence, collusion, corruption and the failure of due process. If it is possible to manufacture a non-existent government agency and operate openly and brazenly, then there are persons within the entire government machinery who must answer questions. A thorough investigation must be conducted to find out if there are other similar agencies in the Federal Capital Territory. Prince Adeniyi’s boldness is so shocking. He should have his day in court. He should be allowed to say all that he knows, and no attempt whatsoever should be made to intimidate him. It is wrong, as the police reportedly did yesterday, to arrest Adeniyi’s father in lieu. Police allegedly stormed his parents’ home in Ogbomoso and arrested his father and a family friend. It is illegal to do so. Criminal liability is personal. It is not transferable in light of Section 7 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA), 2015. The Nigerian Police, not knowing this, is scandalous.

The other urgent issue would be the observation by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that the Nigerian government has frittered away 2% of GDP (about N8.8 trillion) on off-budget spending. The prompt reaction from the Minister of Finance, Taiwo Oyedele, is to deny and insist that Nigeria does not have any ghost budget. This does not call for bluffing. The same government that introduced Executive Order 9 to ensure transparency and accountability in government finances should take allegations of hidden deficit, opaqueness and failure of oversight more seriously. Finally, it is about time Nigeria took South Africa to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on its request for compensation over xenophobia losses, the genocide in South Africa and that country’s institutionalisation of hatred. On the question of NYSC reform, it is in the best interest of the Nigerian government to listen to the people’s responses and retrace its steps forthwith.

Nobody needs NYSC reform – Reuben Abati

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Dr. Dayo Mobereola at NIMASA: Over two years of Reform, Stability, and the Road Ahead

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Dr. Dayo Mobereola at NIMASA: Over two years of Reform, Stability, and the Road Ahead

Dr. Dayo Mobereola at NIMASA: Over two years of Reform, Stability, and the Road Ahead

By Kolawole Ojelabi

When Dr. Dayo Mobereola assumed office as the Director-General of the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) in March 2024, expectations were high. With an extensive background in public sector administration, transport infrastructure, and institutional reforms, stakeholders anticipated a leadership that would reposition Nigeria’s maritime sector to support economic growth better. Dr. Mobereola was the first Managing Director of the Lagos Metropolitan Area Transport Authority (LAMATA), and while at LAMATA, he implemented most of the reforms in the public transport space that are today yielding lots of fruits.

More than two years into his administration, the agency has recorded progress in several key areas. The achievements recorded during this period have been driven not only by Dr. Mobereola’s administrative reforms but also by the strategic policy direction and unwavering support of His Excellency Adegboyega Oyetola, Minister of Marine and Blue Economy. Since the creation of the Ministry, Oyetola has provided the political leadership and international engagement necessary to reposition Nigeria’s maritime sector within the Federal Government’s Renewed Hope Agenda.

However, significant challenges remain, requiring sustained reforms if Nigeria is to harness the enormous potential of its blue economy fully.

The achievements recorded during this period have been driven not only by Dr. Mobereola’s administrative reforms but also by the strategic policy direction and unwavering support of His Excellency Adegboyega Oyetola, Minister of Marine and Blue Economy. Since the creation of the Ministry, Oyetola has provided the political leadership and international engagement necessary to reposition Nigeria’s maritime sector within the Federal Government’s Renewed Hope Agenda.

One of the notable achievements under Dr. Mobereola’s leadership has been the continued consolidation of maritime security gains. NIMASA has maintained collaboration with the Nigerian Navy and other security agencies in sustaining the Deep Blue Project, which has contributed to the reduction of piracy and armed robbery in Nigerian waters.

The improved security environment has enhanced Nigeria’s reputation within the Gulf of Guinea, encouraging greater confidence among international shipping companies and insurers.

The administration has adopted a more consultative approach with industry stakeholders. Shipowners, terminal operators, labour unions, maritime training institutions and government agencies have enjoyed increased engagement on policy matters. This dialogue has helped improve confidence in the agency and encouraged greater collaboration in addressing industry challenges.

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In alignment with the Federal Government’s Renewed Hope Agenda and the creation of the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy, NIMASA has increasingly positioned itself as a strategic driver of Nigeria’s blue economy.

The agency has continued to promote investment opportunities in shipping, fisheries, maritime transport, offshore services and marine environmental protection.

NIMASA has maintained support for the Nigerian Seafarers Development Programme (NSDP), while pursuing initiatives aimed at increasing the employability of Nigerian cadets.

Nevertheless, the long-standing challenge of securing mandatory sea-time training for graduates remains unresolved, limiting the country’s ability to produce internationally certified seafarers in sufficient numbers.

The agency has continued its statutory responsibilities in ship registration, flag-state and port-state inspections, marine pollution control and enforcement of international maritime conventions.

There have also been sustained efforts to strengthen Nigeria’s compliance with International Maritime Organization (IMO) standards through improved regulatory oversight, maritime safety initiatives, and institutional reforms. These efforts culminated in Nigeria’s successful election back into Category C of the IMO Council, a significant diplomatic and maritime achievement. The victory reflected the combined efforts of the Federal Government, with Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, His Excellency Adegboyega Oyetola, leading Nigeria’s diplomatic campaign and international engagements, while NIMASA, under Dr. Dayo Mobereola, provided the technical and regulatory foundation that reinforced the country’s credibility before the global maritime community. Despite these positive developments, several critical issues deserve greater focus.

There is a need to resolve the issues of thousands of Nigerian cadets unable to complete their certification because of insufficient sea-time opportunities.

NIMASA should work with indigenous shipowners, international shipping companies, and the Nigerian Navy to establish structured sea-time programmes. Incentives should also be introduced for vessels that provide cadet placements.

The decline of Nigerian-owned vessels continues to limit indigenous participation in international trade. The agency should accelerate reforms that promote fleet expansion, improve access to financing, and encourage local ship ownership.

A vexed issue is the implementation of the Cabotage Vessel Financing Fund (CVFF). Perhaps no issue has generated more industry debate than the prolonged delay in disbursing the Cabotage Vessel Financing Fund.

Incidentally, the agency a while ago opened its portal for qualified indigenous shipping to apply for the fund. Transparent implementation of the fund would certainly significantly strengthen indigenous shipping companies and create employment opportunities for Nigerian seafarers.

Further digitization of ship registration, licensing, certification, and regulatory processes would reduce bureaucracy, improve transparency, and enhance operational efficiency. Digital platforms should enable stakeholders to complete transactions seamlessly without unnecessary delays.

There is also a need for closer partnerships between NIMASA, maritime academies, and universities. This would improve curriculum relevance and align training with international standards.

Investment in simulators, research facilities, and modern equipment is equally important.

Beyond training, greater attention should be paid to the welfare, insurance, medical support, and career progression of Nigerian seafarers.

Implementation of the Maritime Labour Convention should remain a priority.

Climate change is increasingly influencing global shipping. NIMASA should continue promoting cleaner shipping practices, marine pollution control, ballast water management, and decarbonization initiatives consistent with IMO regulations.

Although port operations involve several government agencies, NIMASA can continue collaborating with the Nigerian Ports Authority, the Nigerian Customs Service, and other stakeholders to reduce vessel waiting time, eliminate operational bottlenecks, and improve Nigeria’s competitiveness.

At the time he took over at NIMASA, Dr. Dayo Mobereola inherited an agency operating within a maritime industry facing numerous structural challenges. His administration has demonstrated a commitment to institutional stability, stakeholder engagement, maritime security, and regulatory effectiveness. Working in close alignment with Minister Oyetola’s vision for the marine and blue economy, the agency has also helped restore confidence in Nigeria’s maritime governance. Their collaborative approach—combining ministerial policy leadership with institutional execution by NIMASA—has strengthened Nigeria’s standing among regional and global maritime stakeholders.

However, the true measure of success will depend on translating policy into measurable outcomes—particularly in indigenous fleet development, implementation of the Cabotage Vessel Financing Fund, creation of employment for Nigerian seafarers, digital transformation and strengthening Nigeria’s position as a leading maritime nation in Africa.

The opportunities within the blue economy are immense. With sustained reforms, stronger public-private partnerships and consistent policy implementation, NIMASA under Dr. Dayo Mobereola, working in tandem with the strategic leadership of His Excellency Adegboyega Oyetola, has the potential to play a transformative role in unlocking these opportunities. Nigeria’s return to the IMO Council demonstrates what coordinated political leadership and effective institutional execution can achieve. Building on that momentum will be critical to expanding indigenous shipping, creating jobs, attracting investment and positioning Nigeria as Africa’s leading maritime nation.

 

Dr. Dayo Mobereola at NIMASA: Over two years of Reform, Stability, and the Road Ahead

 

Kolawole Ojelabi, a developmental journalist and public commentator, writes from Lagos.

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