Demystifying the Political Monolith: Wike’s ‘See Finish’ Doctrine and Nigeria’s New Political Calculus

Within the arena of modern Nigerian politics, the street phrase _“see finish”_ has grown from everyday slang into a cynical, weaponized strategy of realpolitik, functioning in practice as a doctrine of radical, adversarial exposure. In everyday language, _see finish_ happens when you become so familiar with a person or institution that you lose all respect for them, exposing their flaws and breaking their spell of authority. Historically, Nigeria’s political elite survived on an unwritten gentlemen’s agreement to protect one another:a sort of mutual indemnity pact keeping their bitterest rivalries behind closed doors while showing the public a united, dignified front.

The usual retort is that a political disagreement is a _”family affair”._ An internal matter: a private problem, argument, or decision that outsiders should not interfere with or join. This unspoken covenant ensured that no matter how deep the betrayals ran, the ruling class always maintained an appearance of institutional respectability.

However, the current political landscape has been completely redesigned and formatted by the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, who has turned this concept into a strategy for political survival and relevance. The _wikerealpolitik_ style flatly rejects the polite, diplomatic language that has shielded Nigerian politicians for decades, choosing instead to strip away their political immunity and appearance thus openly exposing the transactional motives of both sides of the aisle.

This open _casting_ replace elite politeness with a brutal, confrontational style of public truth-telling. _Wikerealpolitik_ has rewritten the rules of Nigerian power, shifting the burden of proof from moral oratory to physical, verifiable evidence of governance.

Yet, this approach raises serious concerns about the degradation of democratic institutions, as public governance is reduced to personal warfare.

A major goal of the strategy is to tear down national political giants, stripping them of their moral high ground and showing them as ordinary, typically biased litigants in the court of power.

For years, major opposition leaders were treated by their followers as untouchable,apotheosised patriotic figures who were above regular politics. The _Wike realpolitik_ shattered this illusion during his latest media broadcast. He dragged heavyweight leaders like Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi directly into the political trenches.

By bluntly declaring that these opposition figures would “hunt” him down if President Bola Tinubu loses the 2027 election, he reframed the opposition’s goals not as a noble rescue mission for Nigeria, but as a personal, vindictive grudge match.

Through this clever use of _see finish,_ he denies his rivals the ability to claim the moral high ground, presenting them to voters as politicians simply looking to settle old scores. By arguing that everyone in the political arena is playing the exact same transactional game, he establishes a parity of motive, leveling the playing field and forcing the public to view the upcoming 2027 election with absolute, clear-eyed realism. However, this strategy is inherently reductionist; by insisting that all political motives are base and transactional, he actively poisons public trust in leadership and delegitimizes the very concept of principled political opposition.

Furthermore, playing the game of _see finish_ carries a massive risk, because teaching the public to look at politicians with deep cynicism means they will eventually look at you with that same critical eye. To protect himself from the very cynicism he creates, _Wikerealpolitik_ relies on a strong defense built on concrete, visible performance;treating infrastructure as the ultimate exculpatory evidence. He appears to be on terra firma in this regard. Nigerians have _seen finish_ with empty promises, political manifestos, and flowery speeches, so he anchors his political life in physical and verifiable projects. His style of governance works on a very simple premise: a cynical voter can easily question a politician’s integrity, but they cannot ignore a brand-new highway, a modern school,a brand new hospital,comfortable transit hubs or a flyover that eases traffic and considerably shortens transit time . By constantly reminding everyone of his track record like building 12 flyovers as Governor of Rivers State or completing 76 infrastructure projects in the FCT;he shifts the case from a trial of moral intentions to a verdict based on physical reality. The counter-argument, however, point out that this “brick-and-mortar” jurisprudence ignores the deeper, systemic components of governance, such as human capital development, institutional integrity, and the rule of law. A city cannot be paved over its broken democratic processes, and the transactional focus on infrastructure serves as a convenient distraction from the lack of a cohesive, long-term policy vision for structural reform.

Importantly, _Wikerealpolitik_ does not just use this weapon against the opposition; he turns it with equal force on his own allies within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), breaching the implied contract of intra-party solidarity. In traditional Nigerian politics, disagreements within the ruling party are settled quietly through backchannel arbitration to keep up the appearance of a unified front. This tradition is totally broken by airing party’s dirty laundry in public, openly naming powerful figures like Kwara State Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq and Imo State Governor Hope Uzodinma as people working against him under the radar. By exposing these elite cracks, he shows that the ruling party is not a united family driven by a single vision, but a loose alliance of competing interests. This style creates a state of permanent leverage for the FCT Minister, ensuring his position in the cabinet remains safe because his colleagues know that any attempt to sideline him will result in immediate, public exposure of the party’s _holy of holies._ This survival mechanism, while effective reveals a chaotic and unstable governing style that prioritizes self-preservation over administrative stability and team cohesion.

Ultimately, _Wikerealpolitik_ of _see finish_ has permanently changed how power is negotiated and held in modern Nigeria, but at a profound cost to the political ecosystem. By destroying the old illusions of elite unity, he has ushered in an era of aggressive transparency where power is fought for out in the open through leverage and infrastructure rather than quiet consensus. While this style wins Wike a fiercely loyal base of everyday supporters who love his “talk-and-do” reputation, it also creates a massive, dangerous coalition of powerful enemies across all political parties. By stripping away the traditional respect and protection that politicians usually give one another, _Wikerealpolitik_ has ensured that if he ever loses political footing, his adversaries will show him absolutely no mercy and come for his jugular. As the country moves closer to the 2027 elections, _Wikerealpolitik_ as a political strategy will serve as the ultimate testcase for Nigerian realpolitik, proving whether concrete performance is enough to save a politician from the collective anger of a demystified political elite, or if a divisive, scorched-earth methodology will lead to an ultimate political isolation.

As the different political calculus changes and new jurisprudential formats emerge,it is hoped that a genuine Nigerian formatted political ecosystem will emerge.This will place emphasis on infrastructural optics mixed with human capital development, institutional integrity,advancemebt of the democratic processes and the rule of law.Surely there is enough for students and academics to chew. Indeed these are interesting times.

Asiwaju Kunle Kalejaye SAN Eagle102.5 FM Ilese-Ijebu

Peter Obi, Others Challenging Tinubu Cannot Transform Nigeria — Datti Baba-Ahmed

Yusuf Datti Baba-Ahmed, the 2023 Labour Party vice-presidential candidate, has said that none of the politicians positioning themselves to challenge President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 presidential election can bring the kind of transformation Nigeria needs, including his former running mate, Peter Obi.

Baba-Ahmed made the statement during an appearance on the Mic On Podcast, where he discussed the evolving political landscape ahead of the 2027 general election, his political relationship with Obi and the prospects of the opposition challenging the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

Speaking about the expected presidential contest, Baba-Ahmed said Tinubu should prepare to leave office but argued that Nigerians should not expect a major improvement from those currently seeking to replace him.

“I will simply advise uncle (Tinubu) to please prepare to hand over and move away, but not to the people contesting against him because none of them will improve Nigeria,” he said.

When he was asked whether his assessment applied to all the major opposition figures, Baba-Ahmed maintained that position.

“None of that part. Tinubu should leave the stage. All those people contesting against him, too — they were all in bed together at some point or another,” he said.

The host subsequently asked him directly whether Peter Obi was also included among those he believed could not improve the country.

Baba-Ahmed responded: “Including Peter Obi, I’m sorry to say.”

The statement is significant because Baba-Ahmed and Obi were political allies during the 2023 presidential election, when they jointly contested the election on the Labour Party platform.

Obi emerged as the Labour Party’s presidential candidate, while Baba-Ahmed served as his running mate. Their campaign was built largely around promises of political change, institutional reform and improved governance.

However, their political paths have since diverged as preparations for the 2027 election intensify.

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Baba-Ahmed is now a member of the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP), while Obi has pursued a different opposition platform. The development has effectively ended speculation that Baba-Ahmed would automatically follow Obi into whichever political arrangement he chose for 2027.

Baba-Ahmed had earlier explained that his decision to become Obi’s running mate in 2023 was driven largely by what he described as sympathy for the former Anambra State governor and concern about the political circumstances surrounding Obi at the time.

In an earlier interview with Symfoni, Baba-Ahmed said Obi had approached three prominent politicians in 2022 in an attempt to build a political alliance, but they allegedly declined to work with him.

According to Baba-Ahmed, their refusal disappointed him because he believed Obi’s political project represented an opportunity for Nigeria to pursue a different direction.

“People don’t understand between me and Peter Obi, I have a great deal of sympathy for him. And this sympathy was at the core of our relationship,” he said.

Baba-Ahmed said he would have preferred for one of the politicians approached by Obi to join him but eventually decided to volunteer himself for the project.

“When he approached three major politicians in 2022 they avoided him. I would have been glad if in 2022 one of them went with Peter Obi. They all avoided him. I felt bad for him and for Nigeria as a nation,” he said.

He said he understood that the politicians had their reasons for declining to work with Obi but chose not to disclose their identities or the circumstances surrounding their decisions.

Despite their close political partnership during the 2023 election, Baba-Ahmed has repeatedly rejected the suggestion that his political future is tied to Obi.

He particularly dismissed speculation that he would follow Obi into a new political party or coalition ahead of the 2027 presidential election.

“They thought I would follow Peter Obi to ADC, but I had given enough sympathy then,” Baba-Ahmed said.

“Obi does not own me. I own my independence.”

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Baba-Ahmed has also claimed that he warned Obi against some of the political decisions he later made while preparing for the 2027 election.

According to him, he met Obi in January 2024 at the John Wilson Hotel and advised him to engage influential politicians across different regions, including former Kano State governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and former Kaduna State governor Nasir El-Rufai.

Baba-Ahmed argued that any serious opposition strategy for 2027 would require broader political engagement and stronger grassroots structures rather than relying solely on the popularity of individual candidates.

“At that time, I told him there are key figures like Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and Nasir El-Rufai. I suggested he should engage them,” he said.

He also criticised politicians who wait until an election year before attempting to build alliances, insisting that political movements require years of planning and organisation.

“If in 2024 you cannot plan for 2027, then I cannot continue to be with you,” Baba-Ahmed said.

His comments came amid increasing efforts by opposition politicians to build a coalition capable of challenging the APC and President Tinubu in 2027.

Baba-Ahmed has also questioned the ability of some proposed opposition combinations to secure sufficient support across Nigeria’s regions.

In an earlier discussion on the political outlook, he expressed doubts about whether northern voters would automatically support an opposition ticket involving Obi and Kwankwaso, citing the importance of regional influence, political structures, grassroots mobilisation and individual political networks.

“It is very unlikely that the North will rally around OK. That is my personal opinion,” he said.

Baba-Ahmed argued that political influence at the grassroots level would remain a major factor in the 2027 contest, particularly in northern Nigeria.

He cited Kwankwaso’s political influence in Kano as an example of the kind of structure that could significantly affect an opposition coalition’s electoral prospects.

“The local government is almost his state; the state is almost his region,” Baba-Ahmed said while discussing Kwankwaso’s political strength.

He also questioned how presidential tickets could reconcile calls for generational change with the age, political experience and backgrounds of the individuals being considered for top positions.

“You are looking for new blood, a new generation, yet you may have a vice-presidential figure who is older in age, education, political profile, and experience,” he said.

Baba-Ahmed’s latest criticism of Obi comes at a time when the 2027 political realignment is becoming increasingly intense, with opposition figures seeking alliances that could challenge the APC’s control of the presidency.

While Obi remains one of the most prominent opposition politicians from the 2023 election, Baba-Ahmed’s comments suggest that their once-close political relationship has evolved considerably.

The former Labour Party vice-presidential candidate has also criticised aspects of Nigeria’s economic management under successive administrations.

Speaking about the fuel subsidy removal and foreign exchange reforms under Tinubu, Baba-Ahmed argued that economic policies would struggle to achieve sustainable results if corruption remained entrenched within government.

“Whatever policy, however beautiful it is you bring, that is laced with corruption, it will never work,” he said.

He was also sharply critical of the administration of former President Muhammadu Buhari, which he described as one of the most corrupt administrations in the country’s history.

Baba-Ahmed linked what he regarded as failures in governance to corruption and questioned whether major policy reforms could succeed without stronger institutions and accountability.

His comments have added another layer to the political debate ahead of 2027, particularly because of his previous role alongside Obi and his subsequent decision to pursue an independent political path.

The 2027 presidential election is expected to be heavily contested, with the APC seeking to retain power and opposition politicians attempting to consolidate their various political structures into a formidable alternative.

For Baba-Ahmed, however, the central issue goes beyond defeating Tinubu at the polls.

His latest position is that changing the occupant of the presidency alone will not necessarily change Nigeria, a view he says applies equally to Obi and other politicians seeking to replace the incumbent.

The comments are likely to attract further reactions from supporters of Obi and other opposition figures as political parties and their candidates continue preparations for the 2027 general election.

Peter Obi, Others Challenging Tinubu Cannot Transform Nigeria — Datti Baba-Ahmed

Kano Political Earthquake: Kwankwaso Loyalists Dump NDC, Defect to APC in Major 2027 Blow

A massive wave of defections has struck the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) in Kano State, as a serving senator, a former governor, and several key loyalists of vice-presidential candidate Rabiu Kwankwaso abandoned the party for the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in a dramatic political realignment.

The mass defection, unveiled on Saturday at the formal inauguration of the Tinubu Support Groups (TSG) 2.0 State Chapters at the Sani Abacha Stadium in Kano, completely recalibrates the balance of power in Nigeria’s largest voting corridor ahead of the high-stakes 2027 general elections. The event attracted a mammoth crowd, with supporters reportedly climbing trees and rooftops around the stadium and nearby Kwari textile market to catch a glimpse of the proceedings. Reports indicate that Senator Hanga joined the APC alongside approximately 136,000 supporters. The stadium was reportedly filled to capacity several hours before the commencement of the ceremony, with supporters arriving as early as 6 a.m. The massive turnout disrupted commercial activities around the stadium and parts of the Kanti Kwari textile market, with some traders reportedly shutting their shops amid concerns over the unusually large gathering. Traffic was also heavily affected as jubilant supporters marched in groups and converged on the venue ahead of the event.

Among the prominent defectors were Senator Rufai Sani-Hanga, representing Kano Central and the only opposition lawmaker from the state in the Senate; former governor Kabiru Ibrahim-Gaya, who also previously served as chairman of a faction of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP); and Senator Mas’ud El-Jibrin Doguwa. Others included Ali Datti-Yako, former NDC deputy chairman; former Speaker of the Kano State House of Assembly Isyaku Ali-Danja; Senator Baraka Sani; former Ungogo Local Government Council chairman Badaru Umar; Senator Abdulmajid Dauda-Dandawaki; and Yusuf Danbatta, a former PDP deputy governorship candidate. Two former NNPP state chairmen, Mas’ud Eljibrin-Doguwa and Abdullahi Zubairu-Abiya, were also among the defectors.

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The defectors were formally ushered into the ruling platform by an impressive array of APC leadership, including APC National Chairman Prof. Nantawe Yilwatda, Kano State Governor Abba Kabir-Yusuf, immediate-past APC national chairman Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, and Deputy Senate President Barau Jibril. Their presence at the ceremony signalled the strategic importance of these defections to the party’s 2027 ambitions. At the event, the party unveiled the Tinubu Support Group, the campaign structure for President Bola Tinubu’s re-election. Governor Kabir-Yusuf described the political realignment as a monumental consolidation for the APC in Kano, stating that the decision of Sani-Hanga and his formidable political network mirrored deepening public confidence in the administration’s governance agenda. He assured the senator and other defectors that APC would remain a broad platform where all members would have the opportunity to contribute meaningfully to the development of the state and Nigeria at large.

Speaking on behalf of the defecting bloc, Senator Sani-Hanga expressed their commitment to APC and pledged to work with the governor and other party leaders toward achieving victory in the 2027 general elections. They declared their irreversible loyalty to the party hierarchy and announced they had collapsed their grassroots structures to partner with the governor and national leadership to guarantee a landslide victory across all ballots in 2027.

In his remarks, former APC National Chairman Abdullahi Umar-Ganduje described the mammoth crowd that greeted the defections as proof that Kano State is for the APC. “We are not surprised because Mr President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, is a progressive leader who has the foresight to look into the future for the sustainable development of our country,” he said. He said the APC’s renewed hope agenda was designed to guide the country’s developmental aspirations, with economic reforms among its key pillars. He noted that the reforms had increased government revenue, enabling all tiers of government to execute various projects. He urged Nigerians to continue to support the policies and programmes of the President Bola Tinubu administration.

This mass defection follows a pattern of high-profile departures from the Kwankwaso camp. Kabiru Adamu Kofar Ruwa, a founding member of Kwankwasiyya and close associate of Kwankwaso for nearly 29 years, recently left the movement and joined the APC. In a candid interview, he cited “injustice” as the primary reason for the mass exit: “The movement started with truth and trust. That was the foundation. But later, the leader of the journey, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, deviated completely from the path. Injustice crept in, and that destroyed the entire structure.” He declared that Kwankwasiyya has lost its way, predicting that the movement would come third at best in future elections. An APC chieftain, Rabiu Suleiman Bichi, declared that with the anticipated return of Senators Hanga and Gaya to the APC, the Kwankwasiyya Movement no longer has the political strength to determine the outcome of the 2027 general election in Kano State. He noted that Kano Central alone commands more than one-third of the total votes in Kano State, and with Senator Hanga joining the APC, victory for the ruling party in the zone is already assured.

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The political landscape in Kano has been in flux since Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf defected from the NNPP to the APC earlier in the year. His decision, alongside 22 members of the Kano State House of Assembly, eight members of the House of Representatives, and 44 local government chairmen, effectively dismantled the Kwankwasiyya political structure that had brought him to power. Kwankwaso had earlier expressed deep sadness over the governor’s decision, describing it as painful and disappointing.

Despite the defections, Kwankwaso has maintained that the APC’s control does not guarantee President Bola Tinubu’s victory in the 2027 election. He had previously, in a video address, endorsed the defection of some of his loyalists to the APC, saying the decision was informed by the experiences of his supporters who had been under huge pressure and tension since the defection saga erupted. He claimed that many local government chairmen and councillors had been placed under intense pressure to defect, with some suffering sleeplessness and even being hospitalised due to the trauma. “We agreed that all chairmen, councillors, supervisory councillors and anyone asked to sign the document should go ahead and sign. We have no problem with that. 2027 is not yet here,” he said. The NDC has also dismissed claims that Kwankwaso threatened to leave the party over disputes surrounding candidate selections in Kano State. The controversy followed the party’s decision to review and replace several candidates earlier submitted by the Kwankwasiyya faction in Kano State, which the party insists was taken in line with internal agreements.

Kano State has become the epicentre of a fierce political battle ahead of 2027, as Kwankwaso and his estranged political godson, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, battle for supremacy. The defection of Kwankwaso’s key allies to the APC represents a significant shift in the state’s political dynamics. With Hanga’s defection, the opposition in Kano is left without representation in the Senate, as Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin and Senator Kawu Sumaila are already in the APC. While defections have largely been one-sided, there have been reports of some APC members defecting to the NDC in recent weeks, indicating a fluid political landscape where loyalties are shifting as the 2027 elections approach. As the political battle lines harden, the battle for Kano—Nigeria’s most populous state and a key electoral prize—is set to intensify, with both camps mobilizing supporters and consolidating alliances. The mass defection is expected to strengthen the ruling party’s political structure in the state as it intensifies preparations for the presidential, governorship and National Assembly elections.

Kano Political Earthquake: Kwankwaso Loyalists Dump NDC, Defect to APC in Major 2027 Blow