ISWAP finance chief surrenders to Nigerian troops with two children in Borno

A senior financial operative of the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) has surrendered to troops of Operation Hadin Kai in Borno State, alongside two male children, in what the Nigerian Army has described as a significant breakthrough in its sustained campaign against insurgency in Nigeria’s North-East.

The surrender took place on Saturday along the Ladari–Jegarawa–Tunokalia axis of the Gamboru–Wulgo Main Supply Route, where troops of the 3 Battalion under the 24 Task Force Brigade received the insurgent at about 6:45 a.m.

Announcing the development, the Acting Military Information Officer of Operation Hadin Kai, Captain Mohammed Goni, said the latest surrender demonstrates the growing impact of coordinated military offensives and intelligence-driven operations targeting terrorist groups operating across the North-East.

According to the Army, preliminary profiling identified the surrendered suspect as the Chief Finance Operative of the ISWAP enclave at Jubillaram, where he managed the group’s financial operations, logistics and supply chain.

Military authorities said the suspect voluntarily surrendered alongside two male children after sustained pressure from troops disrupted the group’s operational activities and weakened its ability to sustain attacks.

Captain Goni described the development as another major operational success in the military’s ongoing efforts to dismantle ISWAP’s command structure and financial network.

“Troops of Operation HADIN KAI have recorded another major operational breakthrough with the surrender of a senior Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) finance operative, underscoring the sustained impact of ongoing kinetic and intelligence-driven operations across the North East,” he said.

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During the operation, troops recovered one AK-47 rifle, four magazines, 101 rounds of 7.62mm special ammunition, one motorcycle, and ₦40,000 from the surrendered operative.

The recovered weapons and other items are expected to assist investigators in ongoing intelligence and forensic assessments.

The Army disclosed that the suspect is currently undergoing comprehensive profiling and interrogation to obtain intelligence that could help security forces identify terrorist commanders, logistics routes, weapons caches and financing channels still supporting ISWAP operations.

According to Goni, information obtained from the surrendered operative is expected to strengthen ongoing military operations and facilitate the targeting of remaining terrorist elements across the theatre.

The military also revealed that the surrender comes amid a growing wave of defections, with about 46 terrorists and their family members reportedly laying down their arms in recent days.

Military authorities attributed the increasing number of surrenders to sustained land offensives, precision air strikes and intelligence-led operations that have destroyed several terrorist camps, disrupted supply routes and reduced the operational capacity of insurgent groups across Borno, Yobe and Adamawa states.

Security experts say the surrender of a senior finance operative represents a strategic gain because financial coordinators play a critical role in sustaining terrorist organisations through funding, procurement of weapons, logistics management and recruitment activities.

They believe intelligence gathered from the suspect could expose financial networks, collaborators and supply chains supporting insurgent operations in the Lake Chad Basin and surrounding areas.

In recent months, troops under Operation Hadin Kai have intensified clearance operations across the Sambisa Forest, Lake Chad Basin, Mandara Mountains and other known terrorist enclaves, leading to the neutralisation of several insurgent commanders, recovery of arms and ammunition, destruction of logistics bases and rescue of kidnapped victims.

Captain Goni said the latest surrender reflects growing disillusionment within terrorist ranks as sustained military pressure continues to weaken the leadership, logistics and operational capabilities of ISWAP.

He added that the development reinforces the military’s confidence that ongoing operations are yielding measurable results in the fight against terrorism.

The Theatre Command reaffirmed its commitment to restoring lasting peace across the North-East and urged remaining terrorists to take advantage of the Federal Government’s non-kinetic initiatives by surrendering their weapons and abandoning violence.

The Army also appealed to residents of communities across the region to continue providing credible and timely intelligence, stressing that public cooperation remains essential to the success of counter-terrorism operations.

The latest surrender is expected to provide valuable intelligence that could further weaken ISWAP’s financial and operational networks while supporting ongoing efforts to restore security and stability in Nigeria’s North-East.

ISWAP finance chief surrenders to Nigerian troops with two children in Borno

Al-Mustapha Fires Back: Ex-DSS Officer’s Account of Abacha’s Death Is a Lie, I Have CCTV Evidence

Former Chief Security Officer to late Head of State General Sani Abacha, Major Hamza Al-Mustapha (retd.), has vehemently dismissed claims made by a retired Department of State Services operative regarding the circumstances surrounding Abacha’s death, insisting he possesses CCTV footage that contradicts the narrative entirely. Al-Mustapha, who served as Abacha’s Chief Security Officer throughout his administration, described the account by former DSS Assistant Director Dennis Amachree as false and urged Nigerians to disregard it completely. His comments came amid renewed public interest in Amachree’s memoir, The Shadow Warrior, which offers a controversial version of events leading to Abacha’s death on June 8, 1998.

Speaking with journalists on the sidelines of the 3rd General Hassan Usman Katsina Memorial Conference at Arewa House in Kaduna on Saturday, Al-Mustapha alleged that Amachree’s account was fabricated and did not reflect what transpired during the late military ruler’s final moments. Rejecting the claims outright, Al-Mustapha stated that Amachree was asked by others to write those lies, and he emphasized that he has all the CCTV footage of what happened in his custody, so what Amachree said is not true. The retired army major maintained that he possesses video evidence capable of disproving the narrative contained in the publication but did not provide further details about the alleged footage or indicate whether he planned to release it to the public.

The controversy stems from Amachree’s memoir, in which the retired intelligence officer claimed that General Abacha died in the early hours of June 8, 1998, after what he described as a coitus-induced cardiac arrest during an intimate encounter with a woman inside the Presidential Villa Guest House in Abuja. According to the memoir, the incident occurred at approximately 4:05 a.m., and the woman, described as a pharmacist, later fled to Lagos. Amachree claimed she was subsequently tracked and interrogated by the DSS after intelligence reports indicated she had left Abuja shortly after the former Head of State’s death.

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Al-Mustapha, however, questioned the credibility of Amachree’s account, pointing out that the former DSS official was not even in Abuja at the time of Abacha’s death. He argued that when Abacha died, the DSS director was not in Abuja and was not in the Villa, and he questioned how Amachree could write mere narration and expect the public to believe it. Al-Mustapha further alleged that Amachree was acting on behalf of unnamed interests, asserting that the author of the book is acting out a script and is not acting alone. He added that at the appropriate time, he will respond to these lies, noting that one does not tell one’s enemies their plans.

Al-Mustapha appealed to Nigerians not to accept the claims, arguing that it was unfair to level accusations against someone who was no longer alive to respond. He urged the public to simply ignore the lies, stating that it is bad to say such things about someone who is dead. He also urged those making such claims to remember the transient nature of life, adding that whoever he is should know that the world is not permanent and that everyone will leave the world one day.

General Sani Abacha assumed power following a military coup on November 17, 1993, and remained Nigeria’s Head of State until his sudden death at the Presidential Villa in Abuja on June 8, 1998. At the time, the Federal Government announced that Abacha died after a brief illness. However, the circumstances surrounding his death have remained one of the most controversial and debated episodes in Nigeria’s political history for nearly three decades. Over the years, former military officers, intelligence personnel, diplomats, and political figures have offered varying accounts through books, interviews, and public statements, resulting in conflicting narratives about the late leader’s final hours.

Al-Mustapha remains a prominent and controversial figure in Nigeria’s political history. Following Abacha’s death, he was arrested in 1999 and prosecuted over the attempted murder of publisher Alex Ibru and the killing of Kudirat Abiola, wife of the presumed winner of the June 12, 1993 presidential election, Chief Moshood Abiola. He spent more than a decade in detention before the Court of Appeal discharged and acquitted him in 2013. Since his release, Al-Mustapha has consistently defended the Abacha administration, maintaining that many allegations against the late military government and its officials were politically motivated or unsupported by credible evidence.

As the debate over Abacha’s death continues, Al-Mustapha’s claims of possessing CCTV footage add a new dimension to the long-running controversy, though whether he will make the evidence public remains to be seen.

Al-Mustapha Fires Back: Ex-DSS Officer’s Account of Abacha’s Death Is a Lie, I Have CCTV Evidence

Alleged Coup Plot: How Attack on Aso Rock, Airports Was Planned — Court Documents

Fresh investigative details presented before the Federal High Court in Abuja have exposed the operational layout and specific task assignments given to officers and civilians involved in an alleged plot to violently overthrow President Bola Tinubu‘s administration. The security records show that the suspects mapped out coordinated attacks on strategic locations across the country, targeting the Presidential Villa, Radio House, major airport runways, and the personal residences of senior military commanders. Prosecution teams pursuing treason charges against the accused persons disclosed that the plan relied on internal insider support, with the conspirators aiming to seize authority, disrupt national communications, and block military responses during the operation, painting a chilling picture of how close the country may have come to a violent disruption of constitutional order.

At the centre of the investigation is Colonel Mohammed Ma’aji, an officer of the Defence Space Administration, whom investigators identified as one of the principal masterminds and coordinators of the alleged conspiracy. According to investigative files, individual operational tasks were assigned to specific members of the group to ensure the takeover of power centers in Abuja, with a clear chain of command and designated responsibilities that revealed a well-structured plot. One of the primary suspects, Mr. Usman, was tasked with directing the assault on the Presidential Villa, making him responsible for the most critical objective of the entire operation. The records indicate that Usman had already conducted preliminary physical surveys inside the presidential complex with the assistance of an insider, Police Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim, who was attached to the Presidential Clinic, providing the plotters with invaluable intelligence about the layout, security arrangements, and potential vulnerabilities within the heavily fortified seat of government.

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Investigators also uncovered discussions regarding a proposed power blackout at the seat of power, a tactic designed to sow confusion and disable electronic security systems during the initial stages of the attack. Zekeri Umoru, an electrician employed by Julius Berger Nigeria Plc at the Villa’s maintenance department, revealed during questioning that planners considered cutting off electricity supply to the complex at the start of the attack, believing that darkness would give them a tactical advantage over security forces. However, Umoru warned against the idea, stating that a sudden blackout would immediately alert security forces and cause duty staff to be detained and questioned, potentially undermining the element of surprise and alerting authorities to the attack before it could fully unfold. Umoru further stated that the planners aimed to recruit up to nineteen personnel from among Villa workers, soldiers, and State Security Service (SSS) officers, indicating that the plotters believed they had significant internal support within the presidential complex. He noted that after he pointed out the risks of the blackout plan, the leader of the group suggested using armed force to force entry if internal assistance failed, demonstrating a willingness to resort to violence if their covert infiltration strategy proved unsuccessful.

The coup plot strategy extended beyond the executive villa to broadcast stations and military command centers, reflecting a comprehensive plan to control the narrative and neutralize any organised resistance. Major Abdulkarim Ibrahim was initially assigned to secure the Armed Forces Headquarters, but his duty was later shifted to Radio House in Abuja, where his role was to read the official overthrow broadcast to the nation, effectively announcing the coup’s success and legitimising the new regime. Ibrahim explained that Lieutenant-Colonel Shamsuddeen Bappah was originally chosen to make the announcement before the responsibility was transferred to him, suggesting that the plotters were carefully selecting the most credible figures to front the new order. Bappah was subsequently reassigned to take control of the 102 Battalion in Zuma, Niger State, a strategic military installation that would have been critical in securing the coup’s success and preventing loyalist forces from mounting a counteroffensive. Simultaneously, key military commanders were marked for immediate isolation, a tactic designed to decapitate the existing military leadership and prevent a coordinated response. Major Muhammad Jiddah was tasked with taking over the residence of the Chief of Army Staff, while Major Daniel Yusuf was assigned to secure the home of the Chief of Defence Staff, ensuring that the most senior military officers would be neutralised before they could mobilise their forces. Air Force Leader S.B. Adamu was assigned to take over Air House, while Captain Akinwale Yusuf was expected to seize a divisional military headquarters in Lagos, extending the plot beyond Abuja and demonstrating its nationwide scope. Additionally, retired Colonel M.M. Adamu was designated to coordinate troop movements from the entrance of Niger Barracks in Abuja, serving as a logistical hub for the operation.

Disrupting aviation transport was also treated as a priority, as conspirators believed that active flights could allow government loyalists to organize a counter-strike by airlifting troops or evacuating key officials. To stop commercial and private flights in Abuja, the plan included placing an armed gun truck directly across the airport runway, a dramatic and highly visible act intended to ground all aircraft and prevent any airborne response to the coup. In Lagos, Lieutenant Sunday Felix was tasked with gathering security intelligence at the airport, a role that leveraged his knowledge of VIP travel protocols. Felix stated, “I knew the airport’s security arrangements due to my role in traffic control during visits of VIPs,” which helped him map out vulnerabilities and identify the weakest points in the airport’s defences, providing the plotters with crucial information for planning their disruption of aviation operations.

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Investigative files further show that the group planned to draw heavy weapons, armored vehicles, and soldiers from multiple military bases, indicating a well-resourced operation with significant military backing. Colonel Mohammed Ma’aji allegedly planned to source weapons from the 45 Special Forces Battalion in Bida, one of Nigeria’s most elite military units, suggesting that the plotters had access to sophisticated weaponry and specialised personnel. Other officers, including Lieutenant-Colonel Ponfa Dangnap and Lieutenant-Colonel Abdulrahman Hayatu, promised to provide gun trucks, ammunition, and troops from their respective units, while Naval officer Bayawo Abdullahi also agreed to supply 14 personnel and three operational Hilux vehicles, demonstrating the multi-service nature of the conspiracy. However, the investigative reports reveal sharp disagreements among the officers regarding the treatment of senior military leadership, exposing fractures within the group that may have contributed to its ultimate failure. Major Ibrahim stated that he advised against killing senior commanders, arguing that successful historical takeovers relied on securing cooperation rather than violence, and that executing the service chiefs would only harden resistance against the new regime. Following these objections, the group leader agreed that service chiefs would only be arrested, a compromise that reflected the strategic debate within the conspiracy. In contrast, Major A.D. Dauda claimed that Ma’aji explicitly stated that the Chief of Defence Staff would have to be killed or arrested to prevent any interference, indicating that some plotters favoured a more ruthless approach to neutralising the military hierarchy. Dauda noted that this particular disagreement caused him to step back from the group, demonstrating that the ethical and strategic divide was significant enough to cause some conspirators to reconsider their involvement.

The investigative documents also reportedly revealed that the suspects adopted coded expressions to conceal their discussions about the plan, employing language that would sound innocuous to anyone who might intercept their communications. The suspects referred to themselves as “farmers,” while the wider alleged movement was described as “farming,” a framing that suggested a peaceful, agricultural activity rather than a violent conspiracy. “Fertilisers” allegedly referred to logistics such as money, vehicles, weapons and supplies, while “harvest” represented the proposed execution day, creating a comprehensive coded vocabulary that allowed the plotters to discuss their plans openly without arousing suspicion. Investigators have since identified dozens of serving and retired military officers, a police officer, Islamic clerics, politicians, businessmen and civilians who were questioned over their alleged involvement in the failed plot, revealing the extensive network of individuals who were either directly involved or aware of the conspiracy. Six people are currently on trial at the Federal High Court on charges of treason, terrorism, and money laundering, while 36 serving military personnel are facing separate proceedings before a General Court Martial, reflecting the scale of the investigation and the seriousness with which authorities are treating the alleged plot.

Alleged Coup Plot: How Attack on Aso Rock, Airports Was Planned — Court Documents