Alleged Coup Plot: How Attack on Aso Rock, Airports Was Planned — Court Documents

Fresh investigative details presented before the Federal High Court in Abuja have exposed the operational layout and specific task assignments given to officers and civilians involved in an alleged plot to violently overthrow President Bola Tinubu‘s administration. The security records show that the suspects mapped out coordinated attacks on strategic locations across the country, targeting the Presidential Villa, Radio House, major airport runways, and the personal residences of senior military commanders. Prosecution teams pursuing treason charges against the accused persons disclosed that the plan relied on internal insider support, with the conspirators aiming to seize authority, disrupt national communications, and block military responses during the operation, painting a chilling picture of how close the country may have come to a violent disruption of constitutional order.

At the centre of the investigation is Colonel Mohammed Ma’aji, an officer of the Defence Space Administration, whom investigators identified as one of the principal masterminds and coordinators of the alleged conspiracy. According to investigative files, individual operational tasks were assigned to specific members of the group to ensure the takeover of power centers in Abuja, with a clear chain of command and designated responsibilities that revealed a well-structured plot. One of the primary suspects, Mr. Usman, was tasked with directing the assault on the Presidential Villa, making him responsible for the most critical objective of the entire operation. The records indicate that Usman had already conducted preliminary physical surveys inside the presidential complex with the assistance of an insider, Police Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim, who was attached to the Presidential Clinic, providing the plotters with invaluable intelligence about the layout, security arrangements, and potential vulnerabilities within the heavily fortified seat of government.

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Investigators also uncovered discussions regarding a proposed power blackout at the seat of power, a tactic designed to sow confusion and disable electronic security systems during the initial stages of the attack. Zekeri Umoru, an electrician employed by Julius Berger Nigeria Plc at the Villa’s maintenance department, revealed during questioning that planners considered cutting off electricity supply to the complex at the start of the attack, believing that darkness would give them a tactical advantage over security forces. However, Umoru warned against the idea, stating that a sudden blackout would immediately alert security forces and cause duty staff to be detained and questioned, potentially undermining the element of surprise and alerting authorities to the attack before it could fully unfold. Umoru further stated that the planners aimed to recruit up to nineteen personnel from among Villa workers, soldiers, and State Security Service (SSS) officers, indicating that the plotters believed they had significant internal support within the presidential complex. He noted that after he pointed out the risks of the blackout plan, the leader of the group suggested using armed force to force entry if internal assistance failed, demonstrating a willingness to resort to violence if their covert infiltration strategy proved unsuccessful.

The coup plot strategy extended beyond the executive villa to broadcast stations and military command centers, reflecting a comprehensive plan to control the narrative and neutralize any organised resistance. Major Abdulkarim Ibrahim was initially assigned to secure the Armed Forces Headquarters, but his duty was later shifted to Radio House in Abuja, where his role was to read the official overthrow broadcast to the nation, effectively announcing the coup’s success and legitimising the new regime. Ibrahim explained that Lieutenant-Colonel Shamsuddeen Bappah was originally chosen to make the announcement before the responsibility was transferred to him, suggesting that the plotters were carefully selecting the most credible figures to front the new order. Bappah was subsequently reassigned to take control of the 102 Battalion in Zuma, Niger State, a strategic military installation that would have been critical in securing the coup’s success and preventing loyalist forces from mounting a counteroffensive. Simultaneously, key military commanders were marked for immediate isolation, a tactic designed to decapitate the existing military leadership and prevent a coordinated response. Major Muhammad Jiddah was tasked with taking over the residence of the Chief of Army Staff, while Major Daniel Yusuf was assigned to secure the home of the Chief of Defence Staff, ensuring that the most senior military officers would be neutralised before they could mobilise their forces. Air Force Leader S.B. Adamu was assigned to take over Air House, while Captain Akinwale Yusuf was expected to seize a divisional military headquarters in Lagos, extending the plot beyond Abuja and demonstrating its nationwide scope. Additionally, retired Colonel M.M. Adamu was designated to coordinate troop movements from the entrance of Niger Barracks in Abuja, serving as a logistical hub for the operation.

Disrupting aviation transport was also treated as a priority, as conspirators believed that active flights could allow government loyalists to organize a counter-strike by airlifting troops or evacuating key officials. To stop commercial and private flights in Abuja, the plan included placing an armed gun truck directly across the airport runway, a dramatic and highly visible act intended to ground all aircraft and prevent any airborne response to the coup. In Lagos, Lieutenant Sunday Felix was tasked with gathering security intelligence at the airport, a role that leveraged his knowledge of VIP travel protocols. Felix stated, “I knew the airport’s security arrangements due to my role in traffic control during visits of VIPs,” which helped him map out vulnerabilities and identify the weakest points in the airport’s defences, providing the plotters with crucial information for planning their disruption of aviation operations.

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Investigative files further show that the group planned to draw heavy weapons, armored vehicles, and soldiers from multiple military bases, indicating a well-resourced operation with significant military backing. Colonel Mohammed Ma’aji allegedly planned to source weapons from the 45 Special Forces Battalion in Bida, one of Nigeria’s most elite military units, suggesting that the plotters had access to sophisticated weaponry and specialised personnel. Other officers, including Lieutenant-Colonel Ponfa Dangnap and Lieutenant-Colonel Abdulrahman Hayatu, promised to provide gun trucks, ammunition, and troops from their respective units, while Naval officer Bayawo Abdullahi also agreed to supply 14 personnel and three operational Hilux vehicles, demonstrating the multi-service nature of the conspiracy. However, the investigative reports reveal sharp disagreements among the officers regarding the treatment of senior military leadership, exposing fractures within the group that may have contributed to its ultimate failure. Major Ibrahim stated that he advised against killing senior commanders, arguing that successful historical takeovers relied on securing cooperation rather than violence, and that executing the service chiefs would only harden resistance against the new regime. Following these objections, the group leader agreed that service chiefs would only be arrested, a compromise that reflected the strategic debate within the conspiracy. In contrast, Major A.D. Dauda claimed that Ma’aji explicitly stated that the Chief of Defence Staff would have to be killed or arrested to prevent any interference, indicating that some plotters favoured a more ruthless approach to neutralising the military hierarchy. Dauda noted that this particular disagreement caused him to step back from the group, demonstrating that the ethical and strategic divide was significant enough to cause some conspirators to reconsider their involvement.

The investigative documents also reportedly revealed that the suspects adopted coded expressions to conceal their discussions about the plan, employing language that would sound innocuous to anyone who might intercept their communications. The suspects referred to themselves as “farmers,” while the wider alleged movement was described as “farming,” a framing that suggested a peaceful, agricultural activity rather than a violent conspiracy. “Fertilisers” allegedly referred to logistics such as money, vehicles, weapons and supplies, while “harvest” represented the proposed execution day, creating a comprehensive coded vocabulary that allowed the plotters to discuss their plans openly without arousing suspicion. Investigators have since identified dozens of serving and retired military officers, a police officer, Islamic clerics, politicians, businessmen and civilians who were questioned over their alleged involvement in the failed plot, revealing the extensive network of individuals who were either directly involved or aware of the conspiracy. Six people are currently on trial at the Federal High Court on charges of treason, terrorism, and money laundering, while 36 serving military personnel are facing separate proceedings before a General Court Martial, reflecting the scale of the investigation and the seriousness with which authorities are treating the alleged plot.

Alleged Coup Plot: How Attack on Aso Rock, Airports Was Planned — Court Documents