Politics
Sokoto APC suffers fresh setback as over 700 members reportedly defect to ADC
Sokoto APC suffers fresh setback as over 700 members reportedly defect to ADC
More than 700 members of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Goronyo Local Government Area of Sokoto State have reportedly defected to the African Democratic Congress (ADC), citing alleged neglect, poor representation and growing insecurity in their communities.
The reported APC defection involved members from Goronyo and Shinaka wards and comes as political parties intensify grassroots mobilisation ahead of the 2027 general elections.
The defectors were led by Alhaji Aliyu Tunau Shinaka, a former APC secretary in Goronyo Local Government and two-time special adviser to the Sokoto State Government.
Others reported to have joined the ADC include former APC youth leader in the local government, Alhaji Ibrahim Ado Taloka; Alhaji Kabiru Malam Isah Mai’alewa; and prominent women leader and youth mobiliser Hajiya Shafa’atu S/Pawa Goronyo.
Speaking during the defection ceremony, Shinaka said the group decided to leave the APC after what he described as prolonged neglect of grassroots members and residents by the party leadership.
He alleged that party members who worked for the APC’s electoral success had not received adequate attention from the leadership and that concerns raised by residents had remained largely unaddressed.

Sokoto APC suffers fresh setback as over 700 members reportedly defect to ADC
Shinaka also criticised Muhammad Bello Goronyo, the Minister of State for Works and a prominent APC figure from the area, accusing him of failing to provide the level of political leadership and development initiatives expected by residents.
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He particularly questioned the progress of federal road rehabilitation across Sokoto East Senatorial District, arguing that the minister’s position at the Federal Ministry of Works should result in greater attention to infrastructure challenges affecting communities in the region.
The allegations were made by the defectors and have not been independently verified. No response from the minister or the APC leadership in Goronyo was provided alongside the claims.
Another defector, Taloka, said the group joined the ADC because it wanted a political platform that would give greater priority to the welfare and security of residents.
He described the movement as a response to what he called the concerns of grassroots supporters who felt they were only remembered during election periods.
The defectors also expressed concern about the deteriorating security situation in Goronyo and neighbouring communities, alleging that banditry had disrupted farming, displaced residents and damaged local economic activities.
They claimed that more than 100 residents of Goronyo Local Government were being held by bandits in camps across parts of Sokoto East. The claim could not be independently verified.
According to the group, insecurity has made it difficult for many residents to access their farms, while some families have allegedly been displaced and others affected by the loss of relatives and livelihoods.
Shinaka said political leaders had a responsibility to remain connected to communities during periods of insecurity and provide support to victims and affected families.
The reported defection comes amid wider political realignments in Sokoto State ahead of the 2027 elections.
The ADC has attracted politicians and supporters from established parties in different parts of the country as opposition figures seek to build a broader political coalition ahead of the next general election.
Sokoto has also recorded previous political movement towards the ADC. In April 2026, seven members of the Sokoto State House of Assembly reportedly defected from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the ADC, including Nasiru Adamu, who represents Goronyo Constituency.
The latest reported movement could further strengthen the ADC’s grassroots structure in Goronyo if the defectors remain active within the party.
The APC, meanwhile, has also recorded political movements into its fold in the area. In November 2025, former PDP figures in Goronyo joined the APC and were received by Minister of State for Works Muhammad Bello Goronyo.
The contrasting movements reflect the increasingly fluid political landscape in Sokoto as parties position themselves for the 2027 elections.
For the ADC, the reported entry of more than 700 APC members could provide additional grassroots strength in Goronyo. For the APC, the development could create a fresh challenge for its mobilisation efforts in an area regarded as an important political base.
The defectors said they were prepared to work for the expansion of the ADC and support what they described as a new political direction centred on security, peace, good governance and development.
With the 2027 elections drawing closer, further defections and political realignments are expected across Sokoto State as the APC, ADC, PDP and other parties compete to strengthen their structures and attract influential politicians and grassroots supporters.
Sokoto APC suffers fresh setback as over 700 members reportedly defect to ADC
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Politics
Wike to Amaechi: What Did You Bring to Rivers After 24 Years in Power?
Wike to Amaechi: What Did You Bring to Rivers After 24 Years in Power?
Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, has challenged former Rivers State Governor Rotimi Amaechi to identify the projects and political empowerment he attracted to Evo Kingdom and Rivers State during his 24 years in senior public office.
Wike made the remarks on Friday, October 2, 2026, during an interactive session with leaders and stakeholders of Evo Kingdom in Obio-Akpor Local Government Area of Rivers State.
Amaechi served as Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly for eight years, governor of the state for eight years and Minister of Transportation for eight years.
Wike questioned what he described as Amaechi’s record of development and political empowerment, challenging stakeholders to identify tangible projects he said the former governor attracted to the area during his time in office.
“Someone was Speaker of the House of Assembly for eight years, Governor for eight years, and Minister for eight years—that is 24 years in top leadership positions,” Wike said.
He asked the people of Evo Kingdom and Rivers State to identify what Amaechi attracted to the area during those years, adding that he could list projects he personally attracted to the state while serving as Minister of State for Education.
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Wike also criticised what he described as a leadership style in which political office holders fail to develop successors or empower others to take over from them.
He said leadership should involve human capacity development, creating opportunities for others and building structures that can survive after a leader leaves office.
The FCT minister said his own political ambition was no longer centred on returning to positions he had previously occupied.
“I can’t be a governor again. I’ve been a minister two times. I cannot be chairman of council again. So I am happy. I don’t have anything to lose,” he said.
Wike also said political leaders should leave behind people capable of sustaining whatever structures or achievements they established while in office.
According to him, leadership becomes fragile when everything is built around one individual and collapses after that person leaves the political scene.
The minister further recalled his administration’s restructuring of the traditional institution in Rivers State, saying it gave Evo Kingdom representation on the Rivers State Council of Traditional Rulers.
The latest comments are part of the continuing political exchanges between Wike and Amaechi, who served as governor of Rivers State from 2007 to 2015, with Wike succeeding him in office.
Amaechi, who is now the African Democratic Congress (ADC) vice-presidential candidate, has also recently criticised the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu over its record of infrastructure delivery and the impact of economic policies on Nigerians. (Channels Television)
Wike, meanwhile, has continued to publicly support President Tinubu and has been mobilising political stakeholders in Rivers State ahead of the 2027 general elections. During his latest engagement with the Evo Kingdom stakeholders, he also urged political actors to work together in the interest of the state.
The claims made by Wike about Amaechi’s record of projects and empowerment represent his assessment of his political rival and are part of an ongoing political dispute between the two former Rivers governors.
Wike to Amaechi: What Did You Bring to Rivers After 24 Years in Power?
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Politics
2027: Oshiomhole Dares Opposition Over ₦500 Petrol Promise, Says APC Will Take Argument to Nigerians
2027: Oshiomhole Dares Opposition Over ₦500 Petrol Promise, Says APC Will Take Argument to Nigerians
Abuja — Former National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and Senator representing Edo North, Adams Oshiomhole, has declared that he is unbothered by opposition promises to crash the pump price of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) to ₦500 per litre, stating that the ruling party will take the debate directly to the Nigerian people.
Oshiomhole made the assertion during a recent political engagement, according to a report monitored by Newstrends.ng on Friday. The former Edo State governor was responding to recent campaign pledges by opposition figures who have proposed a “Fuel Affordability Plan” aimed at leveraging local refining capacity to bring down the cost of petrol.
“I’m not worried about the promise to sell petrol at ₦500; we’ll take the argument to Nigerians,” Oshiomhole stated, signaling the APC’s readiness to defend its downstream sector policies ahead of the 2027 general elections.
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The APC chieftain, known for his combative political style, questioned the consistency of the opposition’s stance on fuel subsidies. He reminded Nigerians that key opposition figures, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, had previously championed the removal of fuel subsidies during their time in office, arguing that their sudden conversion to affordable pump prices was politically motivated rather than economically sound.
Oshiomhole’s comments underscore the ruling party’s strategy to frame the 2027 election as a choice between what it describes as the “realistic economic reforms” of the President Bola Tinubu administration and what it calls the “populist rhetoric” of the opposition.
While the opposition maintains that its ₦500 per litre proposal is a well-thought-out plan to support local refining and not a return to the old corrupt subsidy regime, Oshiomhole insists that the APC will meet them at the grassroots level to dissect the feasibility of such promises.
Political observers note that the debate over fuel prices remains a highly emotive issue in Nigeria, given its direct impact on transportation, food prices, and the overall cost of living. As the 2027 election cycle gathers momentum, Oshiomhole’s remarks signal that the APC intends to go on the offensive, using the fuel subsidy debate as a key battleground to challenge the opposition’s credibility with the electorate.
2027: Oshiomhole Dares Opposition Over ₦500 Petrol Promise, Says APC Will Take Argument to Nigerians
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Politics
Tinubu Unpopular, Yet 2027 Re-election Still Possible — The Economist
Tinubu Unpopular, Yet 2027 Re-election Still Possible — The Economist
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu may be facing widespread dissatisfaction among Nigerians, but a divided opposition, religious considerations, incumbency and low voter turnout could shape the outcome of the 2027 presidential election, according to an analysis by the British publication, The Economist.
In a report titled “Nigerians Dislike Their President, But May Re-elect Him Anyway,” the publication examined the political dynamics surrounding the forthcoming presidential election and questioned why the President appears relatively confident about his chances despite the economic and security challenges confronting the country.
The analysis was published as Nigeria approaches the 2027 presidential election, with The Economist noting that Tinubu’s administration is operating amid a worsening security situation and economic pressures that have affected many households.
The publication specifically examined the situation in Borno State, where insurgency has persisted for years, damaging economic activities and leaving many young people without jobs and businesses struggling.
It noted that while Tinubu secured 54 per cent of the presidential vote in Borno in 2023, recent polling cited from SBM Intelligence suggested that his popularity in the state had fallen behind those of opposition figures Peter Obi and Atiku Abubakar.
The report said some residents of Maiduguri were prepared to express their dissatisfaction at the ballot box.
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However, The Economist argued that public dissatisfaction alone might not determine the election, pointing to several structural factors within Nigeria’s political system.
One of the major factors identified was the fragmentation of the opposition.
The publication observed that Obi and Atiku had not formed a joint ticket, meaning that voters opposed to the ruling All Progressives Congress could be divided among different candidates.
It quoted Joachim MacEbong of Control Risks as saying that because there was no united opposition ticket, the anti-APC vote was not necessarily being consolidated behind one candidate.
The publication also identified incumbency as another factor in Nigerian elections, noting that sitting governments have access to established political structures and resources that can be mobilised during campaigns.
Religion was also discussed in the analysis, particularly in relation to northern Nigeria.
The Economist noted that Tinubu and Vice-President Kashim Shettima are Muslims, as are the majority of people in the northern region.
It quoted SBM Intelligence chief Cheta Nwanze as saying that the continued Muslim-Muslim ticket “resonates with quite a number of people”.
The report also suggested that religious identity could affect some voters considering Peter Obi, a Catholic, despite his Muslim running mate.
Beyond party politics and religion, the publication highlighted what it described as political cynicism among some voters.
It quoted MacEbong as saying that in communities where citizens have experienced prolonged shortages of security, healthcare and quality education, expectations of government can become increasingly low.
The report cited Borno as an example, saying that some residents might judge the government differently because of the long history of poor public services in the state.
The security situation could also affect voter participation.
According to the publication, turnout in Borno during the 2023 presidential election was below 20 per cent, compared with about 27 per cent nationwide.
It suggested that insecurity could discourage some voters from travelling to polling units during the next election.
In southern Nigeria, particularly Lagos, the report noted that regional identity could also influence voting behaviour, with some residents potentially considering Tinubu as a “son” of the state despite dissatisfaction over economic conditions.
The Economist also acknowledged that Tinubu’s economic reforms, including the removal of the petrol subsidy, have been welcomed by some investors and have contributed to economic adjustments.
However, it said the reforms had yet to translate into noticeable improvements in the daily lives of many Nigerians.
The publication consequently presented the 2027 contest as one in which economic hardship and insecurity could coexist with political factors capable of shaping voter behaviour.
The analysis has generated debate in Nigeria, particularly over whether dissatisfaction with the administration would translate into a consolidated opposition vote.
The 2027 presidential contest is expected to feature Tinubu and several opposition candidates, making the configuration of alliances and the distribution of votes among the major contenders significant factors in the election.
The Economist’s report is an analysis of the factors that could influence the 2027 contest; it is not a poll establishing the eventual winner.
Tinubu Unpopular, Yet 2027 Re-election Still Possible — The Economist
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