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We were offered $3m to drop Tinubu records campaign — US firm
We were offered $3m to drop Tinubu records campaign — US firm
A US-based lobbying and policy advisory firm has alleged that an individual it was told was connected to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu offered its founder, Dr Karl Von Batten, $3 million and invited him to a confidential meeting in London in an alleged attempt to persuade the company to abandon its campaign for the release of US government records concerning the Nigerian president.
Von Batten-Montague-York, L.C., made the allegation in a statement posted on its verified X account on Wednesday, September 2, 2026, saying the approach was made “a few days ago” by what it described as a “highly placed individual” whom the firm had been informed was connected to Tinubu.
According to the company, the alleged offer was accompanied by an invitation for Von Batten to attend a confidential meeting in London.
The firm said it believed the proposed payment was intended to persuade its founder to stop its campaign concerning what it describes as Tinubu’s alleged heroin-trafficking records arising from historical US investigations.
Von Batten-Montague-York said Von Batten rejected the alleged offer and preserved copies of the communications surrounding the approach.
The company further said that, following the rejection, its founder became the target of what it described as a smear campaign.
It added that Von Batten contacted members of the campaign of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar to establish the nature of the alleged individual’s relationship with President Tinubu.
“We will be providing the $3m offer and related communications to our friends at the DOJ and FBI,” the company said, referring to the US Department of Justice (DOJ) and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI).
The firm did not name the person it alleged made the offer and has not publicly released the communications or other evidence supporting the claim. The alleged connection between the individual and President Tinubu has also not been independently established.
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The allegation comes at a particularly sensitive time, with the company intensifying its campaign for the disclosure of US government records relating to historical investigations involving Tinubu.
Von Batten-Montague-York has been pushing for the release of records held by the FBI and Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) concerning Tinubu and a drug-trafficking investigation conducted in the United States in the early 1990s.
The records are at the centre of a long-running Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) lawsuit filed by American transparency activist Aaron Greenspan against several US government agencies.
The case, Greenspan v. Executive Office for U.S. Attorneys et al., is pending before the US District Court for the District of Columbia under Civil Action No. 1:23-cv-01816.
Greenspan initially sought records from a number of US agencies, including the FBI, DEA, Internal Revenue Service, Department of State and the Executive Office for US Attorneys, concerning Tinubu.
The FBI and DEA initially issued what is known as a “Glomar response”, a legal position that allows an agency to refuse to confirm or deny whether responsive records exist where acknowledging their existence could itself cause harm protected under applicable law.
The court subsequently rejected the agencies’ broad reliance on that position and required them to address the records requests in accordance with the applicable FOIA framework.
The legal dispute has since continued over which records should be released and which portions may lawfully remain withheld or redacted under FOIA exemptions.
The latest phase of the dispute has coincided with a new FBI declaration filed in court on August 28, 2026.
According to excerpts circulated by Von Batten-Montague-York, the FBI said the responsive records were compiled in furtherance of an investigation involving multiple individuals and drug-trafficking crimes.
The lobbying firm has relied heavily on that declaration in arguing that claims that Tinubu was never the subject of a criminal investigation are contradicted by the contents of the FBI’s court filing.
However, the existence of an investigation or investigative records does not by itself establish that an individual committed a crime or was convicted of an offence.
The distinction has become particularly important in the political debate surrounding the records because Tinubu has not been convicted of heroin trafficking in the United States.
The historical dispute also involves a 1993 civil forfeiture proceeding concerning approximately $460,000 in funds linked to accounts associated with Tinubu.
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The forfeiture was a civil proceeding and did not result in a criminal conviction against Tinubu.
Tinubu has consistently denied wrongdoing in relation to the allegations surrounding his past in the United States.
His legal team has also intervened in the ongoing FOIA proceedings, asking the US court to prevent or limit the disclosure of records that they argue should remain protected under applicable US law.
In a recent filing, Tinubu’s lawyers opposed the release of additional records sought by Greenspan, arguing that the material should remain withheld or appropriately redacted.
The President’s legal position has added another layer to the dispute, which now involves not only the US government agencies holding the records but also Tinubu’s legal representatives and Greenspan, the FOIA requester.
The latest $3 million allegation has also become politically significant because Von Batten-Montague-York is not an independent investigative agency.
The firm has a formal relationship with Atiku Abubakar, who is now the presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) and one of Tinubu’s principal political opponents ahead of the 2027 presidential election.
Documents filed under the US Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) show that Atiku engaged Von Batten-Montague-York under a 12-month agreement worth $1.2 million.
The contract provides for strategic advisory and government-relations services in the United States, including engagement with members of Congress, congressional staff and executive-branch officials.
The agreement also covers policy positioning, reputational strategy, development of US-facing policy messages and efforts to counterbalance narratives advanced by the Nigerian government.
The contract was signed in March 2026 and subsequently registered with the US Department of Justice under the FARA framework.
The firm has since become increasingly vocal on issues involving Tinubu, the Nigerian government and US policy towards Nigeria.
In July, the company said it had begun distributing documents relating to the 1993 civil forfeiture proceedings involving Tinubu to officials associated with the US government and Congress.
The firm has also publicly discussed the ongoing FOIA litigation and the historical US investigation, making the issue an increasingly prominent part of the political contest surrounding Nigeria’s 2027 election.
The Nigerian presidency has, meanwhile, criticised Atiku’s use of the Washington lobbying firm, describing the campaign surrounding the US records as politically motivated.
Presidential spokespersons have pointed to the $1.2 million FARA-registered contract as evidence that the lobbying firm’s activities should be viewed within the context of Atiku’s political campaign and his opposition to Tinubu.
The latest allegation therefore adds a new dimension to an already contentious political and legal dispute.
If the firm submits the alleged communications concerning the $3 million offer to the FBI and Department of Justice as promised, US authorities would have the opportunity to examine the material and determine whether the approach occurred, who made it and whether there was any genuine connection to President Tinubu or his associates.
For now, however, the central allegation remains unverified.
The person who allegedly made the offer has not been identified publicly, the alleged communications have not been released, and there is no independent evidence currently available establishing that the individual was authorised to act on Tinubu’s behalf.
The claim of a subsequent smear campaign against Von Batten likewise remains an allegation by the firm.
The controversy comes just days after the FBI’s latest court filing revived attention on the historical investigation involving Tinubu and as the US court continues to determine what records should be released under the Freedom of Information Act.
It also comes at a politically sensitive period in Nigeria, with Atiku and other opposition figures seeking to challenge Tinubu ahead of the 2027 presidential election.
The dispute is consequently unfolding on two fronts: a US legal battle over access to government records and a Nigerian political contest over what those records could mean for Tinubu’s public image and electoral prospects.
For Von Batten-Montague-York, the alleged $3 million approach has become another reason to intensify its demand for disclosure.
For Tinubu’s camp, the lobbying firm’s financial relationship with Atiku provides important context for assessing its public campaign.
Until the alleged communications are made public and independently examined, however, the reported $3 million offer remains an allegation, rather than an established finding against President Tinubu or any person associated with him.
We were offered $3m to drop Tinubu records campaign — US firm
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metro
SERAP Sues INEC Over ₦126bn Electoral Funds, Demands Full Accountability
SERAP Sues INEC Over ₦126bn Electoral Funds, Demands Full Accountability
The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has sued the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) over its alleged failure to account for more than ₦126.46 billion allocated for electoral operations, asking the Federal High Court in Abuja to compel the commission to disclose how the public funds were spent.
The lawsuit, filed last week and marked FHC/ABJ/CS/2507/2026, followed findings attributed to the Auditor-General of the Federation’s 2023 audited report, published on August 7, 2026. The reported irregularities relate mainly to transactions carried out in 2022, with some extending into 2023.
SERAP is seeking a court order compelling INEC to provide a detailed financial and documentary account of the funds, including the amounts released and paid, the beneficiaries, the contractors involved and the beneficial owners of the companies that received the payments.
The organisation also wants the commission to provide evidence that the goods and services covered by the transactions were delivered, explain how the electoral materials were used and disclose their present location and condition.
According to SERAP, the money was intended for the procurement of ballot boxes, electoral devices, sensitive election materials, result sheets, vehicles and accreditation equipment, as well as audit services, consultancy, digital archiving and other electoral operations.
The organisation said the Auditor-General’s report raised concerns about several transactions, including more than ₦112.15 billion allegedly paid for ballot boxes, electoral devices and other materials without competitive bidding or a Certificate of No Objection from the Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP).
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SERAP said the audit findings indicated that there was no evidence that the items had been procured. It also cited concerns that contracts were awarded to companies whose competence, experience, operational capacity, addresses and factory locations were reportedly unknown.
The Auditor-General reportedly raised the possibility that the funds had been diverted and recommended their recovery. However, the allegations remain subject to verification and do not, by themselves, establish that the entire amount was stolen.
Another transaction highlighted by SERAP involved approximately ₦1.06 billion allegedly paid for Toyota Prado TXL 2021-model vehicles without the required advertisement, competitive bidding, bid evaluation or procurement clearance.
The organisation also cited more than ₦3.13 billion allegedly paid to four contractors for ballot guides, sensitive materials and result sheets before the contracts were awarded. According to SERAP, the audit raised questions about the transactions and the possibility that the money had been diverted.
A further ₦9.24 billion was reportedly paid under 22 contracts covering similar goods and services. SERAP said the Auditor-General questioned whether the contracts had been split to circumvent procurement rules and whether payments had been made for items that were not supplied.
Other transactions cited in the lawsuit included ₦129.37 million paid to 19 accounting firms for financial audit services without sufficient supporting evidence, more than ₦504 million for accreditation devices under questioned procurement arrangements, and about ₦235.1 million paid to contractors for sleeping mats and digital archiving.
SERAP wants INEC to provide documentary and physical evidence showing that the electoral materials covered by the disputed payments were actually procured. It is also asking the court to compel the commission to identify the contractors, suppliers, consultants and public officials who authorised or processed the transactions.
The organisation further wants INEC to ensure that electoral equipment and other public assets covered by the audit findings are not disposed of, transferred, destroyed or written off in ways that could frustrate investigations, transparency or the recovery of public funds.
SERAP argued that Nigerians have a right to know how money appropriated for elections was managed, particularly as the country prepares for the 2027 general elections.
It maintained that transparency in electoral spending is necessary to protect public confidence in INEC and ensure that funds allocated for credible elections are used for their intended purposes.
The organisation cited provisions of the 1999 Constitution, as amended, national anti-corruption laws and Nigeria’s obligations under the United Nations Convention against Corruption in support of its demand for accountability.
The suit was filed on SERAP’s behalf by lawyers Kolawole Oluwadare, Kehinde Oyewumi and Andrew Nwankwo.
No hearing date had been announced as of Sunday, October 18, 2026.
The case follows an earlier demand by SERAP in September, when the organisation gave INEC seven days to explain the expenditure and called for investigations into transactions flagged by the Auditor-General.
The latest legal action seeks to compel the electoral commission to provide the requested information through a court order.
SERAP Sues INEC Over ₦126bn Electoral Funds, Demands Full Accountability
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Borno Highway Blast: Soldiers Killed as Military Vehicle Hits Landmine
Borno Highway Blast: Soldiers Killed as Military Vehicle Hits Landmine
At least eight Nigerian soldiers have been killed after a military patrol vehicle struck a landmine along a highway in Borno State, north-east Nigeria.
The incident occurred on Saturday in Kinuba village, about 25 kilometres from Gamboru, near Nigeria’s border with Cameroon, according to defence sources cited by AFP.
The soldiers were reportedly travelling along the highway while inspecting members of an anti-insurgency militia involved in clearing thick vegetation beside the road when their vehicle ran over the explosive.
The blast killed all eight soldiers aboard the vehicle, while a militia member supervising the vegetation-clearing operation sustained shrapnel injuries.
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A member of the militia, Ibrahim Liman, said the explosive had been planted on the dusty road and detonated remotely.
The attack was blamed on the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), an armed group that operates in the region and has repeatedly targeted security personnel and civilians.
The highway attack came amid renewed violence in Borno, where insurgents have continued to target military formations and patrols despite ongoing counter-insurgency operations.
The incident also occurred on the day the Chief of Army Staff, Lieutenant General Waidi Shaibu, visited Maiduguri, the state capital, following a separate attack on a military base that reportedly killed 15 soldiers and five members of the Civilian Joint Task Force.
ISWAP and its rival, Boko Haram, have increasingly used improvised explosive devices and landmines against military convoys and other road users in the North-East.
The latest incident underscores the continuing security risks along major highways in Borno, where thick vegetation can provide cover for insurgents to plant explosives and launch attacks on passing vehicles.
Borno Highway Blast: Soldiers Killed as Military Vehicle Hits Landmine
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Okonjo-Iweala: My Mother Was Kidnapped After I Uncovered $2.4bn Subsidy Fraud
Okonjo-Iweala: My Mother Was Kidnapped After I Uncovered $2.4bn Subsidy Fraud
Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Director-General of the World Trade Organisation (WTO), has recounted how her efforts to expose an alleged $2.4 billion fuel subsidy fraud in Nigeria were followed by threats and the kidnapping of her mother in 2012.
Okonjo-Iweala, who was Nigeria’s finance minister under former President Goodluck Jonathan, said the kidnappers demanded that she resign from office and leave the country before her mother, Kamene Okonjo, would be released.
She said the abduction, which occurred in December 2012, subjected her family to five days of anguish and forced her to confront a painful choice between her public responsibilities and her mother’s safety.
According to her account, the crisis followed an investigation into suspicious claims submitted under Nigeria’s fuel subsidy programme. The investigation reportedly uncovered about $2.4 billion in fraudulent claims, prompting the government to withhold payments on the disputed transactions.
Okonjo-Iweala said she had raised concerns about the figures with the president and requested an audit of the accounts. After approval was granted, the review uncovered what she described as substantial fraud.
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- Nairobi Mother Says Husband Abandoned Her During Childbirth, Paid Dowry for Another Woman
The former minister said the refusal to pay the disputed claims was followed by threats against her, before her mother was abducted from her home in Ogwashi-Uku, Delta State.
The kidnappers reportedly sought to pressure her into abandoning her position in government, making her resignation a condition for her mother’s release.
Okonjo-Iweala said the experience was devastating, admitting that she considered leaving office because her mother’s life was more important to her than her position.
She recalled that her father, the late Professor Chukwuka Okonjo, encouraged her not to surrender to blackmail and urged her to continue her work.
Her mother eventually escaped after spending five days in captivity, bringing the ordeal to an end.
The incident exposed the personal risks associated with efforts to investigate alleged financial abuses in Nigeria’s petroleum subsidy system, which had long been dogged by questions over payments to fuel importers and the verification of claims.
Okonjo-Iweala later became the first woman and first African to lead the WTO, taking office as Director-General in March 2021.
Okonjo-Iweala: My Mother Was Kidnapped After I Uncovered $2.4bn Subsidy Fraud
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