Politics
If we don’t fix our politics urgently, it will destroy Nigeria permanently – Ezekwezili
Oby Ezekwesili, former vice president of the World Bank’s Africa region and ex-education minister, in this interview with some journalists, speaks on her latest research work, which focuses on how to fix Nigeria’s political problems and enthronement of democratic culture in Africa. Excerpt:
As a prominent stakeholder in Nigeria’s socio-economic development, what would you identify as the major setbacks to genuine enthronement of democratic culture?
I recently completed research on this issue as a Richard von Weizacker Fellowship at the Robert Bosch Academy in Berlin. As a candidate for the office of the President of Nigeria in the 2019 elections, I directly witnessed the absurdity of our politics and it naturally awakened my intellectual curiosity. What I observed in politics in that short time set me off on a journey to reflect and better understand the challenges of our Democracy, Politics and Governance. My research #FixPolitics has some interesting findings that specifically address your question. There are three interconnected factors that hinder democratic development in Nigeria and the rest of our continent. These are : The absence of a productive and politically literate, empowered and engaged voting population; The dominant culture of a political class (politicians and their allies across society) that subordinates the collective good of the society to their personal interest without any consequences; and The existence of weak constitutional, political and electoral institutions and context which lead to an ineffective regulatory context for politics.
What essential features should define the ambitious project of fixing politics in Africa, particularly in Nigeria, the most populous black country?
My #FixPolitics research findings concluded that every democracy including that of Nigeria can function well when it stands on three triangulated pillars of : Empowered and Engaged Citizens who vote rationally for candidates that can effectively run government on their behalf; Ethical, Competent and Capable Politicians who compete for votes by presenting citizens with alternative plans of how they will govern on their behalf; credible Institutions that include constitutional , political and electoral bodies to regulate the relationship between citizens and politicians. This means there are three key factors that determine the quality of political culture and outcomes in democracy; the engagement of the citizens as informed and active electorate; the quality of the political class and politicians who vie for elective offices; and the institutional integrity of the political regulatory system and context.
The #FixPolitics research evaluated how well these three triangulated pillars are doing in Nigeria and Africa more broadly. We have five major findings: Adopting a theoretical model that assumes Governance as a product or service in a market structure, we simplified and were able to interrogate what happens between the demand side ( that is, the electorate or voters), the supply side (that is, the political class who run for elective offices) and; the institutional and regulatory context ( that is, constitutional, political and electoral environment) in which both sides interact; Our politics is structurally challenged with unequal power relations between the people and a political class that is unaccountable in the exercise of their public mandate. We named the phenomenon, “monopolistic democracy” and like all monopolies, society is endangered by the distortionary effect it has on social outcomes; If we do not #FixPolitics urgently, politics will disintegrate and destroy Nigeria permanently and that is because, our ruling class has entrenched a corrupted political culture that stunts the common good of citizens and their society without any consequences.
Others are the corrupted political culture which undermines citizens, families, communities, society at large, businesses and the economy as well as government, public institutions and the governance processes; and the corrupted political culture is invasive and pervasive and thus constitutes a major obstacle to economic growth and development of Nigeria and continent. This inhibitive effect on development is the reason for high incidence of extreme poverty in Nigeria despite the huge endowment of population and natural resources. The good thing is that the solutions to these problems were also identified by the research.
Where should the effort to fix politics begin and what could be a probable timeframe to evaluate progress?
The research found that any effort to #FixPolitics has to begin with the Citizens pillar of the democracy triangle. It is only the Citizens Pillar that retains the credibility to fix the broken political system and corrupted culture that is to be fixed. The Political Class Pillar cannot #FixPolitics because they are the primary beneficiaries of the anomaly in our politics therefore inherently lack the incentive to correct it. The Regulatory Pillar unfortunately lacks the independence, strength, capability and the credibility to check the excesses of the political class in particular. It therefore leaves only what makes the research unique is how it uses evidence to sequentially guide citizens that are persuaded to act. Fundamentally, the Citizens who step out to #FixPolitics must act on all three pillars concurrently and simultaneously.
The solutions highlighted each Pillar must be systemically launched at the same time as the others. Citizens have to execute the political structural transformation agenda in a systematic, coherent, coordinated and collaborative way. It is the only way citizens’s effort will gather the systemic momentum and creates political structural shifts that correct political culture and outcomes. A silo approach at addressing the problems identified for each of the triangulated pillars will fail for lack of integrative impact. It is why the Work Study Group- WSG is made up of a diverse group of Nigerians from all regions of Nigeria, works of life and political persuasion. The members of the WSG are bound in the common vision, mission and core values of transforming Nigeria’s deformed politics and governance by rallying behind the #FixPolitics research findings. The WSG members work together to design and execute the programs under each of the three pillars while collaborating on cross-cutting issues in an ecosystem-building approach. On evaluating progress of #FixPolitics, it is important to clearly convey that this initiative is not a dash but a marathon. This initiative is not about 2023. #FixPolitics is about designing Nigeria’s and Africa’s way out of the trap of underdevelopment occasioned by our faulty political foundation. It is not partisan. It is about building a new political culture of taking responsibility through participation and empowered engagement by citizens and providing service and public accountability by public leaders.
More specifically, the work-plans developed for each pillar have specific and easy-to-measure actions that are of short, medium and long-term delivery and impact. For example, in the Emerging a New and Value-Based Political Class Pillar, we are establishing an Unconventional School of Politics, Policy and Governance which will fully commence in 2021 and annually produce at scale a new class of value-based politicians on a mixed curriculum of theory and practice of ethical politics, design of sound economic, social, sectoral and structural policies and building strong, open, accessible, transparent and accountable institutions, regulatory and legal contexts. We are aiming to graduate 500 such people twice each year. Our school is unconventional because it is designed to disrupt the mindset of the 500 citizens that will have the privilege of being admitted into each class cohort every six months. Since the current marketplace of supply of politicians is holding the country hostage to a destructive political culture, we can upend their dominance by producing a new political class of public leaders with the requisite character, competence and capacity.
A complex mix of challenges, including low literacy level and economic deprivation has thrown up what could be described as crisis of democracy in Nigeria. Is it possible to inject sanity into the country’s politics?
You are spot on identifying the adverse impact of low literacy level and poverty on our democracy. In my research, there is a conclusion that these two factors inhibit the quality of voting decisions of our electorate that are within the low-income class. First, the illiterate is likely to be poor. The daily financial worth of the productivity of poor people in our country is extremely low and so whatever is offered them by unscrupulous politicians on Election Day is hugely attractive. For them Election Day is simply another day of struggles to eke out a living. Election Day is not a decision about the next four years for most poor voters. They have concluded that since governance did not improve their wellbeing in the previous years, nothing in the future would change. They therefore rationally make a decision to sell their vote and “earn an income” for each time they do so. In my conclusions, I wrote it this way: “The Price of the vote of the low-income voters in Nigeria is extremely low, and corrupted politicians can easily pay for it.” Second, the poor who are illiterate will also likely lack political literacy and so do not realize the power of their constitutional right to vote. In the power relations between the electorate and those they vote into office, the former have failed to take their primacy in our democracy.
What does the #FixPolitics research recommend for these two issues?
Design a bundled and simultaneous programme of economic empowerment and political literacy for low income voters. The economic empowerment component of the program raises their productivity. The political literacy component raises their political consciousness and awareness of their self-interest in elections and governance that follows afterward. Organizations and groups interested in emerging an empowered and engaged electorate then work together to use Technology to identify, connect, combine and scale up existing and new programs of economic empowerment for women and young people who together make up more than 70 percent of the voting population. Remember that women and young people are also the voting constituencies that actually turn up to vote on Election Day to vote. Imagine that in between our electoral cycles (that’s four years between one election and another), some organizations and groups collaborate to design a new economic empowerment initiative that is bundled with political literacy sessions or that they redesign existing programs in an intentional way to raise the productivity and political knowledge of say, Akara sellers across Nigeria. Imagine that currently Akara sellers toil for just a daily net income of say, N1000- N2000. Imagine that the programs succeed such that their average daily financial output double or triple , rising above the “price that politicians will offer for their vote in elections”. Now imagine that four years later, the now more productive, empowered and more politically-conscious Akara seller is faced with the offer to sell their vote. What do you think will happen in their decision-making? It is more probable that they would resist the offer and rather vote for candidates that will govern to improve their wellbeing because they have experienced improvement from a thoughtful and effective intervention. Now they know why choosing the right candidates in elections can further improve their households and communities.
Finally, design and launch an innovative data-based nationwide political literacy campaign using community organizing modules to awaken and engage the over 60% of low-income registered voter-population that has never participated in elections by voting after being registered to vote. That only 15 million out of 84 million registered voters elected a President into office in 2019 is a risk that can be transformed into an opportunity to bring in new voters without the distorted incentives of repeat voters to sell their vote.
With a faulty constitution that opens with a lie, dubious census figures and pliable institutions, do you think Nigerians can repose confidence in the country’s political system and participate effectively?
The faulty foundation of our constitution is way deeper than even those issues you raised in that it was never the product of a citizens’ process. The military and some civilians collaborated to write a constitution which they handed to our 4th republic democracy at the transition of 1999. The tone of the constitution is militaristic and the content, unitary for a country that parades itself as a Federation. It is not “The People’s Constitution” that it portends to be. The 1999 constitution does not reflect any form of negotiated common identity, values, vision, aspirations, political and governance structures of a country with a complex spectrum of ethnic, language, regional, cultural, religious and other diversities like Nigeria. Nigerians have never had the privilege of determining their choices of what kind of Union they wish to have as we enter deeper into the 21st Century.
One of the finding of the #FixPolitics research is that a credible citizens- led constitutional process and the consensus provisions the people agree to, are key to helping transform (even) countries with multi-ethnic nationalities into nations. There is a big difference between a country and a nation. Sadly, because of many factors that end up in elite failure, Nigeria remains a mere country and not a nation, sixty years after our independence in 1960. Worse is that even now there are credible threats to its existence as a country. The tragic failure of our political class to successfully mobilize our citizens behind a commonly agreed identity while at the same time respecting our multiple uniqueness happened at least twice in our history. The Nigerian people could have at the end of colonial rule in 1960 and after the Biafra war ended in 1970 confronted their fractured and factional union in open and honest dialogues designed to agree key rules and terms of remaining one people.
As a result of those failures to build consensus, Nigeria has hobbled along as a country of people who are not unified around common aspirations and shared principles. How different the outcomes would be if we were a country guided by aspirations like equal opportunity, inclusive growth and prosperity, social cohesion and stability. These are proven from our #FixPolitics research as some of the building blocks on which other countries transformed their societies. We found countries like Botswana, Singapore and South Korea to have prioritized human development, merit, productivity and healthy competition among constituent parts as well as their citizens. The results show up in their economic performance and the vastly improved wellbeing of their citizens in contrast to Nigeria all three countries gained independence in the 1960s from Britain.
However, reality is setting in now. For after many decades of ignoring the obvious, it is becoming clearer to all discerning and reasonable compatriots that our Union is in facing the severest threat to its existence now. All is simply not well with Nigeria and Nigerians. Our country, Nigeria is on the brink of a break-up despite the delusional protestations of federal government officials and their sycophants.
Our ethnic and religious divides and differences have never been sharper and deeper than now. And this is all because of the irresponsible, clannish, provincial, incompetent and ineffectual management of our diversity by President Buhari who simply does not know how to nor have the temperament to learn how to lead a diverse society like Nigeria. The totalities of factors that threaten the existence of Nigeria are expressed in the consistent and unabashed ethnic bigotry of President Buhari.
That President Buhari – who was elected by a representative section of the Nigerian people in a protest vote against his failed predecessor- has in turn dug Nigeria deeper into the trenches of humongous failure, will remain a wonder of historical proportion.
Nigeria’s failures under President Buhari have become profoundly unsustainable. It is perplexing to watch our political leaders carrying on with their pretense that Nigeria is currently being governed. How can the political leadership of a country which is practically insolvent, terribly brittle on all fronts of national security and lost its diplomatic leadership and influence even in West Africa keep acting as if everything is normal.
Such imperviousness was the same attitude exhibited by the previous government of the current opposition party. Most Nigerians are fed up with the Siamese Twins-type syndrome of our politicians, regardless of whether they belong to the All People’s Congress APC or the People’s Democratic Party, PDP. Their party acronyms may differ but the people in our politics today are of one embryo and exhibit a common and dominant political culture that places the narrow interests of our politicians over and above the wellbeing of the people they govern.
Nigerians have experienced and now openly express frustration at the “hand-down” and “turn-by-turn failure “ of the political leadership class in Nigeria at federal, state or local government levels. They are designed by the environment that enables them act without consequences and the incentive they respond to, to govern in ways that do not produce results for citizens. The finding from #FixPolitics research on countries which similarly came to the precipice because of ethnic and other tensions in the last few decades is that the citizens are the block with the credibility and legitimacy to push society toward fruitful dialogues and agreements which become translated to a new constitution. Conduct of a Citizens-Referendum is an innovation that was used in some countries to commence the national dialogue process with the first phase of deciding the key issues to be discussed and negotiated in a constitutional process.
In the case of our country, there is no doubt that Nigeria cannot carry on for much longer under a bumbling political class and grossly weakened bureaucracy. The center is no longer holding because the Nigeria-State, its institutions and political operators have lost their credibility with the people. There is no known social contract binding citizens to their governments. The social capital that once minimally existed among members of society is now vastly eroded and depleted.
Are you saying it is possible to have a qualitative governance system in Nigeria without qualitative and informed citizenry?
I think my previous answer to another question shows that it is impossible to run a democracy of uninformed and indifferent citizens and end up with qualitative governance. If a country’s democracy is lacking in the basic features of democratic ethos, values, principles and institutions, governance will less likely produce good outcomes for the larger number of people. This is what we see in our country. It is why despite all our huge endowment of population, natural resources and geography, we are the world’s capital of extremely poor people with more than 80 million Nigerians in that category. Nigeria is ranked one of the most insecure countries in the world, the number 3 spot on terrorism ravaged table and 13 on the States fragility index. Sixty years after independence, we have infant and maternal mortality rates that are higher than the average in Africa. We are the country with the largest number of out-of-school children. And by the way, on this matter of Out-of-School children, we did prove that there are sound policy solutions that work to reduce it and get children into the classrooms especially in the Northern States. As minister of education between 2006-2007, we reduced the number from about 7million to 6.5 million. Within one academic session. Today the number is a painful 13.5 million children growing as illiterate in the 21st century. No. It is impossible for our democracy to deliver qualitative governance without informed, active and engaged citizenry who make a deliberate move to take their center stage in the electoral and governance processes. What I have said of Nigeria is unfortunately applicable in most of the other African countries. It is why by 2035, if we do not #FixPolitics on our continent, more than 90 percent of the world’s remaining poor people will be on our continent. That would be a monumental tragedy.
Does #FixPolitics involve holding leaders to account? If so, how could a product of rigged election, say a lawmaker, be held accountable, for instance?
Yes, it will. Election is not the end-game in a democracy. Voting at elections is therefore only a part of the duties that citizens have for staying eternally vigilant and demanding accountability from those who exercise delegated authority on their behalf. The political literacy programs for both the middle and low income class must be designed to support post-election engagements — that is during the time that governance commences after elections— of citizens to hold those they voted into office (or against) to account for the performance of their public responsibility. The #OfficeOfTheCitizen was identified as a credible initiative to empower such citizens’ actions. When you have more citizens in the constituency that delegated their authority to the kind of lawmaker you described, they will more probably become accountable. Why? They will because there is a disincentive of the credible threat of recall by united citizens in their constituency, working successfully together to remove the lawmaker. Not even the most perverse National Assembly can survive the pressure from a persistent citizens collective action.
Based on this grand agenda of sanitising democracy, which country serves as a realistic model to emulate and is that possible within the social limitations in Nigeria, viz educational attainments and income levels?
First, from my research, no country’s democracy is perfect and taken for granted as having attained. This is absolutely crucial to note by those who assume that democracy has a destination which when a country arrives, the citizens can then rest and “leave the institutions to work”. No, it does not work that way. Constant participation and vigilance is the only way a people can preserve their democracy and keep it working for their wellbeing. Second, no country fully resembles Nigeria; not even Indonesia which shares a significant range of similarities with Nigeria. So if we are to learn any lessons at all, it is this. We the people, the Citizens are the ones with the right to gather around the table and design the functional democracy that serves all our people well.
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Politics
UPDATED: Supreme Court Voids PDP Ibadan Convention
UPDATED: Supreme Court Voids PDP Ibadan Convention
The Supreme Court on Thursday nullified the controversial national convention of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) held in Ibadan, Oyo State, on November 15 and 16, 2025, delivering a major blow to a faction of the party and further intensifying the leadership crisis threatening the opposition ahead of the 2027 general elections.
In a split judgment delivered by a five-member panel, the apex court upheld the concurrent decisions of the Federal High Court and the Court of Appeal which had earlier invalidated the convention on grounds that it was conducted in violation of subsisting court orders.
Three members of the panel ruled that the appeal brought by the faction led by former Minister of Special Duties, Tanimu Turaki (SAN), lacked merit and amounted to a clear disregard for judicial authority.
Delivering the lead judgment in appeal number SC/CV/164/2026, Justice Stephen Adah held that organisers of the Ibadan convention proceeded with the exercise despite an existing order of the Federal High Court restraining them from doing so pending compliance with earlier directives relating to unresolved congress disputes and internal party procedures.
“The disobedience of the court order is not disputed,” Justice Adah stated, warning that the actions of the appellants represented “a threat to the administration of justice in Nigeria.”
The apex court consequently dismissed both the appeal and cross-appeals filed in the matter and directed all parties to bear their respective legal costs.
The legal battle stemmed from deep divisions within the PDP following disagreements over congresses conducted in several states and disputes surrounding the legitimacy of party structures ahead of the Ibadan convention.
Aggrieved members had approached the Federal High Court in Abuja, arguing that the organisers failed to comply with statutory provisions under the Electoral Act as well as the PDP constitution before convening the national gathering.
The trial court subsequently restrained the party from proceeding with the convention pending compliance with its directives. However, despite the order, the convention went ahead in Ibadan and produced a factional leadership structure, triggering multiple lawsuits and worsening internal tensions within the party.
In a strongly worded judgment, the Supreme Court condemned what it described as attempts by political actors to undermine judicial authority through conflicting court orders obtained from courts of coordinate jurisdiction.
Justice Adah observed that instead of appealing the Federal High Court order through lawful judicial channels, the appellants allegedly approached another High Court in Ibadan to secure orders that enabled them to proceed with the convention.
“The appellant did not go on appeal but went to another High Court where they secured orders overriding the existing order of the Federal High Court and carried on with the party convention,” the justice said.
The court described the conduct as “an unparalleled abuse of court process” that struck directly at the integrity of the justice system and constitutional governance.
Warning against continued disregard for judicial decisions by political actors, Justice Adah stressed that the rule of law remained the foundation of democratic governance and could not be treated as optional.
“The rule of law is not an ornamentality, revoked, destroyed or discarded in practice. It is the fundamental architecture on which the legitimacy of governance rests,” he stated.
He further noted that political parties, although voluntary associations, derive their authority and legal existence from the Constitution and are therefore subject to constitutional limitations and judicial oversight.
Relying on Sections 221, 222 and 229 of the 1999 Constitution, the apex court held that political parties remain constitutional institutions established for participation in governance and elections and must comply fully with lawful court orders.
The Supreme Court also affirmed the findings of the lower courts that the conduct of the Turaki-led faction amounted to abuse of court process following efforts to secure what was described as a counter-order from another court while an existing order remained in force.
The Court of Appeal had earlier, in its March 9 judgment, upheld the decision of the Federal High Court and ruled that the convention violated subsisting judicial directives and failed to comply with established legal procedures.
Dissatisfied with that outcome, the Turaki faction approached the Supreme Court seeking to overturn the lower court judgments and validate the Ibadan convention. However, the apex court dismissed the appeal in its entirety after reserving judgment on April 22 following arguments from all parties.
The judgment is expected to have far-reaching implications for the PDP’s internal power structure as the party struggles with growing factional disputes, leadership uncertainty, and strategic positioning ahead of the 2027 elections.
UPDATED: Supreme Court Voids PDP Ibadan Convention
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Politics
David Mark Scores Legal Victory as Supreme Court Voids ADC Status Quo Order
David Mark Scores Legal Victory as Supreme Court Voids ADC Status Quo Order
The Supreme Court has nullified the controversial order that directed the African Democratic Congress (ADC) to maintain the status quo ante bellum in the party’s prolonged leadership crisis, ruling that the Court of Appeal exceeded its powers by issuing the directive after dismissing the substantive appeal before it.
In a unanimous judgment delivered by a five-member panel led by Justice Mohammed Lawal Garba, the apex court held that the Abuja Division of the Court of Appeal acted without jurisdiction when it ordered all parties to maintain the existing situation despite already striking out the appeal filed by one of the rival factions within the party.
The Supreme Court described the order as “unnecessary, unwarranted and improper,” stressing that once the appellate court had dismissed the matter before it, it no longer possessed the authority to issue consequential directives affecting the internal affairs of the party.
The judgment followed an appeal filed by former Senate President Senator David Mark, who has been at the centre of the ADC leadership tussle alongside other party stakeholders. The apex court ruled in his favour in part, although it dismissed the aspect of the appeal challenging an earlier ex parte order of the Federal High Court relating to substituted service of court documents on parties involved in the dispute.
Despite voiding the Appeal Court’s directive, the Supreme Court ordered all parties to return to the Federal High Court for continuation of proceedings on the substantive suit filed by aggrieved members of the party challenging aspects of the ADC leadership structure and congress processes.
The ruling is expected to significantly affect the internal balance of power within the ADC and may influence the position earlier taken by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) regarding the party’s recognised leadership.
On April 1, INEC removed the names of Senator David Mark and former Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola from its official portal as the National Chairman and National Secretary of the ADC, respectively. The commission had said the decision was based on the Court of Appeal judgment and the order directing parties to maintain the status quo ante bellum pending the resolution of the dispute.
INEC subsequently announced that it would not recognise any faction of the party until the legal battle was conclusively determined by the courts.
Political observers say the latest Supreme Court ruling weakens the legal basis upon which the electoral commission relied in freezing recognition of the rival camps, although the final determination of the substantive leadership dispute still rests with the Federal High Court.
The ADC has in recent months faced deep internal divisions involving competing claims to leadership positions, disagreements over party administration, and legal battles over the control of party structures ahead of future political alignments and elections.
The Supreme Court’s intervention is expected to reshape the next phase of the dispute as the factions return to the lower court for full hearing of the matter.
David Mark Scores Legal Victory as Supreme Court Voids ADC Status Quo Order
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Politics
Lagos 2027: JANDOR Steps Down, Aligns with APC Leadership Decision
Lagos 2027: JANDOR Steps Down, Aligns with APC Leadership Decision
A former governorship aspirant under the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Lagos State, Abdul-Azeez Olajide Adediran, popularly known as JANDOR, has announced his withdrawal from the 2027 governorship race, citing the need to preserve party unity and align with the position of party leadership.
In a statement issued on Thursday, Adediran explained that his earlier decision to obtain the party’s Expression of Interest and Nomination Forms was driven by wide consultations and a strong desire to contribute to the development of Lagos State. However, he said recent political developments within the APC made it necessary for him to reconsider his ambition.
He identified the endorsement of Obafemi Hamzat by Bola Ahmed Tinubu and other key stakeholders in Lagos APC as a decisive factor influencing his decision to step down from the race.
According to him, the move should not be interpreted as a sign of weakness but rather as an act of discipline and commitment to the collective interest of the party.
“This decision is not borne out of weakness or lack of capacity, but out of strength, discipline, and respect for party unity,” he stated.
Adediran reaffirmed his loyalty to the APC and pledged continued support for President Tinubu, whom he described as a stabilising force for both the party and the country. He also declared full alignment with the President’s stance on the Lagos governorship succession process, emphasizing the importance of party supremacy and strategic consensus.
Addressing members of the Lagos4Lagos Movement, Adediran expressed appreciation for their steadfast support, noting that the group remains committed to inclusivity and reform rather than personal ambition.
He urged his supporters and political stakeholders across the state to remain calm and focused on the broader objectives of the party, stressing that political engagement is a continuous process.
“To our supporters across Lagos, your loyalty has been deeply appreciated. I do not take it for granted,” he said.
Adediran concluded by reiterating his commitment to the progress of Lagos State and the APC, calling for unity and collective focus as preparations for the 2027 general elections gather momentum.
Lagos 2027: JANDOR Steps Down, Aligns with APC Leadership Decision
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