The Chicago bullfight between Atiku and Tinubu - Simon Kolawole – Newstrends
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The Chicago bullfight between Atiku and Tinubu – Simon Kolawole

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Simon Kolawole

The Chicago bullfight between Atiku and Tinubu – Simon Kolawole

May I, at this point, humbly retract certain claims I made in my article, ‘Tinubu and Atiku: Birds of a Feather’ (THISDAY, June 12, 2022), months before the 2023 presidential election. In it, I claimed that Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Alhaji Atiku Abubakar “are friends, associates and two peas in a pod”. I traced their bond to the annulled third republic. I said they had been there for each other during political upheavals. As simple as it was, I didn’t remember that there are no permanent friends or foes in politics. Just permanent interests. All gloves are off now. Atiku is on an all-out war with Tinubu whom he wants disqualified and removed as president for alleged certificate forgery.

On Thursday, Atiku revealed that he had parted ways with Tinubu as far back as 2007. I hereby confess that I did not know this. In separate private conversations I had with both men before 2007, they came across as David and Jonathan. What we have today is nothing but Cain and Abel, although I’m not sure who is the Cain and who is the Abel. As Atiku has now told us, they cut political ties when he refused to make Tinubu his presidential running mate in 2007 because of the Muslim-Muslim ticket complications. I recall Tinubu opposing Atiku’s election petition against President Umaru Musa Yar’Adau in 2007 on the ground that all of them were from the same political family.

To be sure, this is not the first time Atiku is seeking a judicial decision on the basis of certificate in a presidential election. In 2019, he fought President Muhammadu Buhari all the way to the Supreme Court, maintaining that he did not have the requisite educational qualification to be president. Buhari had listed secondary school education on his INEC form but did not attach the West African School Certificate, which he claimed was with the military authorities. He eventually received a replacement from Cambridge, which used to conduct the WASC exams, and presented it to the tribunal. Atiku’s petition was dismissed. He also lost in the Supreme Court — but Buhari was hurt.

This time around, Atiku is seeking to prove that the Chicago State University (CSU) certificate presented to INEC by Tinubu is a forgery and, therefore, he was not qualified to run in the first place. Many people did not really give serious attention to this allegation in Atiku’s petition until he went to file for “discovery” at a US court on August 2, 2023, seeking an order to compel CSU to release Tinubu’s academic records. This was a day after the presidential election petition court (PEPC) had announced that it was adjourning to deliver judgment after all the petitioners, Atiku inclusive, and respondents had concluded their submissions. The US case, thus, basically went under the radar.

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The PEPC actually prevented Atiku from arguing the forgery allegation on a technical ground. Atiku’s lawyers introduced the triple allegations of Tinubu’s conviction in the US, forgery of documents and dual citizenship long after they had filed the petition. The certificate was notably not on their list of proof of evidence. However, as the proceedings went, they introduced the issues. Tinubu’s lawyers said the time for filing new facts was over. Atiku’s lawyers said they were only providing further details. The PEPC, in its judgment, held that the electoral law provides that all evidence must be frontloaded and since this was not contained in the petition itself, Atiku had missed the timeframe.

In truth, Atiku did not have what he could present as evidence as at the time the PEPC sat and gave judgment. Maybe the lack of evidence contributed to the little attention paid to Atiku’s moves in the US. With the PEPC judgment going against Atiku on September 6, he decided to head to the Supreme Court — this time hoping that he could file a new evidence on the authenticity of Tinubu’s CSU certificate, known as “diploma” in the US. Still, many did not give much attention to this case until September 19 when the US court ordered CSU to release the academic records in time for Atiku’s appeal at the Supreme Court. It was at this stage that the internet caught fire as interest ballooned.

What did Atiku want to prove by demanding all these records? From all that I have read so far, I would summarise his intentions as follows: (1) to prove that the certificate Tinubu presented to INEC was forged (2) to argue that this is not the real Bola Tinubu (3) to create a moral crisis for Tinubu home and abroad. When Tinubu’s lawyers protested against the release of his records claiming it could hurt their client, even his own supporters began to panic. Many of them asked: “What is Tinubu trying to hide?” My first reaction was that his lawyers were trying to be dramatic. I had always believed Tinubu attended and graduated from CSU but that the devil is in the details.

Tinubu’s records were finally released. The CSU registrar, Caleb Westberg, made a deposition as a witness and representative of the university. He had previously sworn to an affidavit as well. If you lie under deposition, it is called “perjury” and you will have no option than to go to jail. So, it is not a joke. We all looked forward to the deposition as the final stage of the US leg in the post-election litigation. Atiku’s lawyers questioned Westberg extensively on the affidavit and the records. Westberg said so many things that, at a stage, my head was steaming from information overload. At the end of the deposition, the camps of Atiku and Tinubu both claimed to have won. It got more interesting.

I will try to summarise the testimonies as I understand them. Westberg swore to an affidavit that Tinubu graduated and was awarded a degree with honours from CSU on June 22, 1979. He said CSU awarded him a diploma and subsequently provided a certified (that is, official) copy of that diploma. He said both are “valid and authentic” diplomas from the university. He said there are differences in font, seal and signatories on the diplomas because many things had changed over the decades from 1979, when Tinubu graduated, to the 1990s, when he got a replacement. He said the discrepancies in the dates on the documents were possibly human since they were entered manually.

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In the affidavit that accompanied the academic records, Westberg said the format of Tinubu’s replacement diploma dated June 27, 1997 matches the format of diplomas produced in the 1990s and 2000s. From the deposition, it appears there are two different CSU diplomas. There is the CSU diploma issued in 1979 when Tinubu graduated and there is the replacement dated 1997. Meanwhile, a diploma was released to Mike Enahoro-Ebah, an Atiku supporter, based on a court order. It is either Enahoro-Ebah was given the original 1979 version (which Tinubu presumably did not pick up then) or Enahoro-Ebah was given a replacement Tinubu ordered and didn’t pick up.

The one presented to INEC by Tinubu was dated 1997. The date was declared an error by the university. Michael Hayes, who also testified for CSU, took personal responsibility for the error and said he meant to type 1979, not 1997. I recall that in my journalism school days when typewriters were a thing, we called this “error of transposition” — when you mistakenly hit the second key before the first, meaning “9” would come before “7” in 79. It appears that the certificate Tinubu presented to INEC was another version entirely — produced in the 1990s or 2000s. Westberg, in his deposition, said he did not see what was presented to INEC and could, therefore, not comment on it.

So, why did the university certify the documents? He said the university does not usually certify documents but this was at the insistence of Tinubu’s lawyer. “It seems to be a Nigerian thing,” he said. (By the time this got into social media, the registrar was reported to have said: “Forgery is a Nigerian thing.”) Westberg also addressed why they had copies of diplomas for 1979 but didn’t have one for Tinubu. He said some students don’t pick up their diplomas — tying it back to the fact that it is the transcripts, not the diplomas, that really matter in the US. It is copies of unclaimed diplomas that he released to Atiku’s lawyers with the names of the students redacted for privacy reasons.

What else? Westberg said Tinubu attended Southwest College (now known as Richard Daley College), a feeder school for CSU. He said the Tinubu that attended Southwest College and transferred to CSU had the same social security number (like the NIN in Nigeria), and that it is the same person that is now president of Nigeria. On why the gender of the student that attended Southwest was written as “F” (female), he said it was possibly a clerical error as he himself did not know whether Bola Tinubu is the name of a male or female. But he pointed out that Tinubu filled “male” in his application form and was addressed as “Mr” in the letter offering him admission.

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Overall, I think Atiku’s team conclusively proved at the deposition that the diploma presented to INEC by Tinubu was not the one issued in 1979 — as Enahoro-Ebah had obviously collected it or whatever version was in the file. And I think this is why Atiku’s supporters believe they won the tug-of-war. On the other hand, what Tinubu presented to INEC was not the 1979 diploma but a replacement. Westberg did not answer questions on the “INEC diploma” on the ground that it is not in the school’s possession. But he said Tinubu indeed applied for a replacement and if a 1979 diploma was to be replaced, there would be changes in format, font, seal and signatories as seen in the “INEC diploma”.

All eyes are now on the Supreme Court. Atiku’s lawyers will hope to use the academic records and the deposition to make a compelling case against Tinubu. There are still obstacles. One, they have to convince the court that a new evidence can be filed at this stage. If the Supreme Court exercises discretion and decides to allow new evidence, that will be a major hurdle scaled. The next hurdle will be the evidential weight the court attaches to it and if it is convinced beyond reasonable doubt that Tinubu actually committed forgery. These are the matters to be pursued and argued by the lawyers before the court. I can’t wait for all this to be over so we can face the core business of governance.

Whatever the case may be, this is a fight to the finish. No retreat, no surrender. I am, however, astonished at how Atiku has overtaken Peter Obi, the LP candidate, in the election petition race. Obidients had clearly dominated the airwaves in claiming Obi won the election and that Tinubu stole his mandate. Atiku, who officially came second, was always playing catch-up. But with a single burst of pace in September, Atiku has — like a seasoned marathoner — surged to the front in the race to upstage Tinubu. All the Obidients that I know are now rooting for Atiku. The enemy of my enemy is my friend. Remember: there are no permanent friends or foes in politics. Just permanent interests.

(THE CABLE)

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Tinubu’s Buharization of NNPC By Farooq Kperogi

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President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and former President Muhammadu Buhari

Tinubu’s Buharization of NNPC by Farooq Kperogi

After the sustained, unwarranted personal attacks I endured for eight years from northerners for unswervingly calling out what I called the “embarrassingly undisguised Arewacentricity of Buhari’s appointments” in a February 2, 2019, column titled “Even Ahmadu Bello Would Be Ashamed of Buhari’s Arewacentricity,” I promised that I would look the other way if a southern president returned the favor after Buhari’s tenure.

But promises made in the heat of disillusionment often crumble under the weight of principle.

Ironically, this column was inspired by a well-regarded Yoruba supporter of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu who is worried, in fact embarrassed, by the optics of what he says is Tinubu’s relentless Yorubacentric take-over of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC).

His concern wasn’t just partisan discomfort; it was a profound unease about how this nepotistic approach undermines national cohesion.

I frankly hadn’t been paying attention to the internal dynamics at the NNPC, but the acquaintance pointed out that Yoruba people now occupy major positions at the NNPC and that a certain (person) is “being proposed as GMD after Mele Kyari’s term expires” early next year.

I haven’t independently confirmed the accuracy of this claim but given the closeness of the source of information to people in the circles of power, it’s probably best to not dismiss this with the wave of the hand.

His concern is that Tinubu, from the Southwest, is already the minister of petroleum. Senator Heineken Lokpobiri, the Minister of State for Petroleum and Chairman of the NNPC, is from the South-South. Chief Pius Akinyelure from the Southwest is NNPC’s Non-Executive Board Chairman.

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The head of the NNPC Upstream Investment Management Services (NUIMS), Mr. Bala Wunti, my acquaintance pointed out, has been replaced by one Seyi Omotowa. Gbenga Komolafe is the chief executive officer of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), making him the highest-ranking upstream regulator.

“If a Yoruba man were to be the GMD, another Yoruba man is the Chairman, and yet another Yoruba man is the regulator, that’s extreme lopsidedness,” and other parts of Nigeria would be justified to feel uncomfortable, my acquaintance said.

As with issues of this nature, the reality may be more complex that the surface-level impressions that I have been presented with. Of the 12-member non-executive Board of Directors, I counted at least four names that I recognize as northern, and that includes Kyari, the outgoing GMD.

The 7-member Senior Management Team on NNPC’s website has three northerners (if Kyari is included). That seems fair. Plus, Buhari actually appointed many of the Yoruba people in high places at the NNPC. By these metrics, one might argue that there’s a semblance of balance.

However, Tinubu’s broader public image tells a different story. His administration is rapidly cementing a reputation for Yorubacentric provincialism. Like the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, who governed Nigeria as if he were still a Katsina governor, Tinubu appears to be governing Nigeria as though he were still the governor of Lagos.

Just like Yar’adua was elected a Nigerian president but operated like a Katsina governor in Abuja, Tinubu is also, so far, a Nigerian president only in name. His mindset is still that of the governor of Lagos.

With a few notable (and in some cases unavoidable) exceptions, Tinubu’s government is largely the re-enactment of his time as the governor of Lagos. It is, for all practical purposes, an unabashed Lagos-centric Yorubacracy.

To be fair, though, with the possible exception of Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration, all civilian regimes since 1999 have been insular ethnocracies.

My source reminded me of a viral social media post I wrote on January 14, 2019, titled “New IGP: Why Progressive Northerners Should be Embarrassed” where I gave four reasons for being insistently censorious of Buhari’s Arewacentric appointments in response to southerners who asked why I was bothered since I was a northern Muslim who was “favored” by such appointments—“favored,” that is, on the emotional and symbolic plane.

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I pointed out that I criticized similar such parochial appointments by previous presidents from the South and that it would be hypocritical to look the other way because I was now “favored” by such appointments.

I said people from my region and religion won’t always be in power, and I wanted to be able to stand on a firm moral pedestal when I criticize future presidents who replicate Buhari’s (and previous presidents’) provincialism.

Most importantly, I said, I was personally embarrassed by Buhari’s insularity and that every progressive northerner should be. I described it as the sort of embarrassment you feel when your best friend who thinks highly of your mother visits you in your home and your mother, during a family dinner, gives you a considerably bigger food portion size and choicer pieces of meat than your friend.

“You feel like screaming: ‘Mom, I know you love me, but you’re embarrassing me by showing overt preferential treatment to me in the presence of my friend’,” I wrote.

The Yoruba acquaintance of mine who alerted me to the creeping Yoruba-centric take-over of the NNPC said he was doing so out of a feeling of the same sense of embarrassment that inspired my rage against Buhari’s appointments that favored the North unfairly, especially in the areas of security.

Tinubu is doing in the economy sector what Buhari did in the security sector. The minister of finance, the governor of the central bank, and every other consequential agency in finance is headed by a Yoruba man. I am not sure Nigeria has ever seen this level of extreme, state-sanctioned ethnocentric domination of a critical segment of national life.

Appointing another Yoruba individual as the head of the NNPC would complete what many already perceive as the ethnic capture of Nigeria’s economic nerve center. It would not only cement Tinubu’s image as an insensitive ethnocrat but also exacerbate public discontent and foster deeper divisions in an already polarized nation.

If Tinubu is unaware of this burgeoning perception, he needs to awaken to its reality. Leadership is not just about policies and actions; it’s also about managing optics and inspiring confidence in a nation’s collective identity.

In a September 5, 2015, column titled “Buhari is Losing the Symbolic War,” where I railed against the exclusion of Igbo people in Buhari’s first appointments, I wrote:

“Symbolism isn’t the same thing as substance. Appointing people to governmental positions does nothing to improve anybody’s lot—except, perhaps, the people so appointed and their immediate families.

“Jonathan’s disastrous 5-year presidency couldn’t even bring basic infrastructure like boreholes to his hometown of Otueke, yet his people derive vicarious satisfaction from the fact of his being Nigeria’s former president.

“Human beings are animated by a multiplicity of impulses, including rational and emotional impulses, both of which are legitimate. When we turn on our rational impulses, we may ask: What would appointing an Igbo man as SGF, for instance, do to Igbo people? The answer is ‘nothing.’

“But we are more than rational beings: we are also emotional beings. That’s why people are invested in symbolism. Appointing someone from the southeast or the deep south is merely a symbolic gesture, but it inspires a sense of inclusion in the minds of many people from that region; it serves as a symbolic conduit through which people vicariously connect with the government.”

This cycle of ethnic favoritism must end if Nigeria is to realize its full potential as a nation. To grow and thrive, we need leaders who can transcend the narrow confines of ethnocracy.

We need leadership that embraces diversity and inclusion, not as buzzwords but as guiding principles for governance. Only then can we begin to heal the fractures that divide us and build a nation that serves all its citizens, regardless of ethnicity or region.

Farooq Kperogi is a renowned Nigerian columnist and United States-based Professor of Media Studies.

Tinubu’s Buharization of NNPC by Farooq Kperogi

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Ademola Lookman showed Davido and Kemi Badenoch that wisdom is not by age – Omokri

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Reno Omokri, Ademola Lookman, Davido and Kemi Badenoch

Ademola Lookman showed Davido and Kemi Badenoch that wisdom is not by age – Omokri

Recently, the singer David Adeleke was given a global stage to do whatever he wanted and deliver any message.

Sadly, Mr. Adeleke used the opportunity to speak in an American accent. Not only that, he used that American accent to talk down on Nigeria and tell the world not to invest in Nigeria because, as he put it, Nigeria’s “economy is in shambles”.

Coincidentally, a month after his faux pas, Kemi Badenoch, probably inspired by Davido, used her British accent to talk down Nigeria, calling us “a very poor country” where the police rob citizens.

But the interesting thing about her own case is that the next day, the BBC featured a panel of Conservative Party big shots, and one of them, Albie Amankona, a party chieftain from Chiswick, who is also a celebrity broadcaster, said, and this is a direct quote:

“If you are a Brexiteer, and you are saying we need to be expanding our global trade beyond the European Union, we want to be looking at emerging markets for growth, don’t slag off one of the fastest growing economies in Africa.”

Is it not strange that it took the BBC and a British politician to promote Nigeria as one of the fastest-growing economies in Africa?

And just when we thought it was all bad news, God gave us a breath of fresh air in the youthful Ademola Lookman, who used the global podium granted to him by his winning the 2024 African Footballer of the Year award to promote and project Nigeria and the Lukumi Yoruba language to the world.

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Wisdom is not by age. If not, Ademola Lookman, who is just twenty-seven, will not have displayed greater wisdom than David Adeleke, who is thirty-two, and Kemi Badenoch, at forty-four.

Mr. Lookman proved that the age of Methuselah has nothing to do with the wisdom of Solomon.

And it is not as though other ethnicities with global icons do not also project Nigeria. They do.

Dr. Mrs. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala spoke Igbo on the podium of the WTO in Geneva. In terms of prestige, she is FAR above Lookman.

My campaign is not for the Lukumi Yoruba alone. It is for all sub-Saharan Black Africans to learn to speak their language and not use ability to speak English or another colonial language as a measure of intelligence.

Besides Lukumi Yoruba and Hausa, every other Nigerian language, including Fulfulde, is gradually dying out.

General Buhari is half Fulani and half Kanuri. Yet, he cannot speak either Fuifulde or Kanuri. But he speaks Hausa and English.

Fact-check me: In 2012, UNESCO declared Igbo an endangered language.

However, the Lukumi Yoruba are to be commended for their affirmative actions to advance their language and culture.

Let me give you an example. All six Governors of the Southwest bear full Lukumi names: Jide Sanwa-Olu, Seyi Makinde, Dapo Abiodun, Ademola Adeleke, Abiodun Oyebanji, and Orighomisan Aiyedatiwa.

No other zone in Nigeria has all its governors bearing ethnic Nigerian names as first and second names. They either bear Arabic or European names as first names or even first and second names.

If we truly want to be the Giant of Africa, we must take affirmative steps to preserve our language and culture so we can have children like Ademola Lookman.

Teach your language to your children before you teach them English. They will learn English at school. Being multilingual is scientifically proven to boost intelligence.

Fact-check me: In the U.S., Latino kids do not speak English until they start school. They learn Spanish as a first language.

Even if you relocate to the UK, the best you can be is British. You can never be English. And if your choice of Japa is the U.S., the highest you can be is an American citizen. You will never become a White Anglo-Saxon Protestant WASP.

Your power lies in balancing ancient and modern, Western and African, English (or other colonial languages) and your native tongue.

That is the way to reverse language erosion, like the Lukumi Yoruba.

Ademola Lookman showed Davido and Kemi Badenoch that wisdom is not by age – Omokri

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Kemi Badenoch’s Hate for Nigeria – Femi Fani-Kayode

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Femi Fani-Kayode

Kemi Badenoch’s Hate for Nigeria – Femi Fani-Kayode

“I find it interesting that everyone defines me as a Nigerian. I identify less with the country than with my specific ethnic group. I have nothing in common with the people from the north of the country, the Boko Haram, where Islamism is. Being Yoruba is my true identity and I refuse to be lumped with the northern people of Nigeria who were our ethnic enemies, all in the name of being called a Nigerian”- @KemiBadenoch.

Dangerous rhetoric

Kemi Badenoch, MP, the leader of the British Conservative Party and Opposition in the @UKParliament, has refused to stop at just denigrating our country but has gone a step further by seeking to divide us on ethnic lines.

She claims that she never regarded herself as being a Nigerian but rather a Yoruba and that she never identified with the people from the Northern part of our country who she collectively describes as being “Boko Haram Islamists” and “terrorists”.

This is dangerous rhetoric coming from an impudent and ignorant foreign leader who knows nothing about our country, who does not know her place and who insists on stirring up a storm that she cannot contain and that may eventually consume her.

It is rather like saying that she identifies more with the English than she does with the Scots and the Welsh whom she regards as nothing more than homicidal and murderous barbarians that once waged war against her ethnic English compatriots!

All this coming from a young lady of colour that is a political leader in a multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-cultural country that lays claim to being the epitome of decency and civilisation! What a strange and inexplicable contradiction this is.

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Her intentions are malevolent and insidious and her objective, outside of ridiculing and mocking us, is to divide us and bring us to our knees.

I am constrained to ask, what on earth happened to this creature in her youth and why does she hate Nigeria with such passion?

Did something happen to her when she lived here which she has kept secret?

Kemi Badenoch’s Hate for Nigeria – Femi Fani-Kayode

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