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Wande Abimbola @91: How an àbíkú decided to live (3)

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Tunde Odesola
Wande Abimbola @91: How an àbíkú decided to live (3)
Tunde Odesola
(Published in The PUNCH, on Friday, January 19, 2024)
Wande’s star shone brightly in the galaxy of stars twinkling up above the world so high. His star was distinct in the heavens whose cloudy blanket covers every inch of the earth in suspended animation science calls gravitational force. But religion calls it ‘agbára tó so ilé ayé ró’ – the divine power that keeps the world in place.
In a profound gift to humanity, predestination wedded Ifa to scholarship, resulting in the birth of Ògúnwandé Abímbolá, the progeny of the gods. Wande’s destiny was surely set among the stars.
Though he was 12 years old in 1945 when he enrolled at Native Authority Town School, Idi Ope, Oyo, he shone brightly in junior primary school and got promoted to senior primary school – Native Authority Durbar School, Idi Ope, Oyo, where his little feet were set in the trail of distinction, dedication and determination.
“In my time, you spend four years in junior school and two years in senior primary school. Afterwards, you go to secondary school to spend another six years. But passing from junior to senior primary school was a great task because the standard and competition were high,” Wande began.
“There were white men among our teachers, many of whom were ex-soldiers who fought in the First World War. One of them, Mr Bullock, used to enter the class through the window. Many of the ex-soldiers suffered post-war trauma in their various communities and they often vent their frustration on innocent people, raping, beating and looting.
“From 1949 to 1952, I went to Native Authority Durbar (Primary) School after I left junior primary school in 1948. Durbar means an assembly of kings. A royal court (durbar) was built in Oyo town when Nigeria was preparing to host King George (V), the grandfather of the late Queen Elizabeth. The royal court was to be used to house Yoruba traditional rulers who would host King George in Oyo.
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“But an outbreak of smallpox occurred around 1925/1926 when the king arrived Lagos and he was advised against visiting the hinterlands, thus the visit was aborted and the durbar was converted into a school which I later attended.”
Recalling events of his childhood with astonishing clarity, singing the panegyrics of his father, mother, siblings and grandfather, Ògúnwandé said his father, Iroko, frequented Ibadan to buy books for him at the CMS Bookshop established in 1930.
“My father later gave his full support to my educational aspirations. He was even buying me textbooks for the next grade in advance. So, I was always ahead of the class. I believe in the power of listening. My teacher would threaten to send me out of her class because I wasn’t making notes. But I believe it was better to listen attentively in class than to make notes. After the class, I would go to those who copied notes during class and make my notes.
“I had a seatmate, Okunade Adegbola, he was always coming first while I was second. It was in secondary school that I got to know listening was key to learning. Some days before the exam, I borrowed the books of my mates to make comprehensive notes. I came second in the public schools essay competition in the entire Commonwealth in 1952. Thus, the number of pupils who applied to Government College, Ibadan, from Oyo, was pruned to three – Okunade, myself and one other student. It was later pruned to two, that is, Okunade and myself. We sat the qualifying exam.
“Okunade and I waited to get our letters of admission but to no avail. After a long time, an adult, who saw my name on the list in Ibadan, met me in Oyo and asked why I didn’t come to resume school. He said I could still resume in January but I said no. Okunade wasn’t admitted. So, I went to Baptist Boys High School, Oyo, where I emerged as the best-graduating student in 1958 with four A1, two A2, one A3 and one C5. The name of BBHS, Oyo, was later changed to Olivet Baptist Boys High School, Oyo,” Wande recollected.
Wande’s destiny was set among the stars. Founded in 1948, University College, Ibadan, was one of the colleges of the University of London. Wande was admitted to University College, Ibadan, in 1959, as a state scholar. The whole student population of the college wasn’t more than 500. This was the period when the student that led in each faculty was given a state scholarship.
“I bagged a state scholarship. This entitles you to a full scholarship. It also entitles your WIFE to a monthly salary. Apart from your wife, FOUR of your children are also entitled to separate monthly salaries, if you’re married. I waited till 1959 to start schooling at the university college because the university calendar was different from the secondary school calendar. I bagged ‘A’s in science subjects, so I could’ve done well in the sciences but I chose to read History because of my love for Ifa and to know the history and secrets of the world. I read Linguistics at the Master’s degree level to deepen my understanding of the Yoruba Language. Yoruba wasn’t available as a course at the time I got admitted,” Ogunwande said.
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Abimbola wrote only one letter of application all his life. All other jobs he got – OAU Vice Chancellor, Senator, Senate Majority Leader, professorial chairs, presidential adviser to Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, etc – he never applied nor lobbied; he was lobbied.
After his preliminary exam at the university college, he was picked along with Omolara Ogundipe, as a student for Honours English class. Both of them didn’t sit any exam to qualify for the Honours class. However, Abimbola turned down the offer, selling his English textbooks to Abiodun Adetugbo and Oyin Ogunba, both of whom later became distinguished professors. Poet, critic and activist, Ogundipe, who died in 2019, also became a professor and an authority on feminism.
“I sold my English literature textbooks to Abiodun Adetugbo and Oyin Ogunba, and I went to sit the exam for History Honours class. Omoniyi Adewoye, former Vice Chancellor, University of Ibadan; Olatunji Oloruntimehin, Professor of History and International Studies, and J. Adebowale Atanda, Professor of History, were in the Honours class. We were only 13 in the honours class. I have never seen any honours programme as rich as that of Ibadan. It was hectic. We were practically sleeping in the library.
“Oloruntimehin was my closest friend in the university just like Okunade was my closest friend in primary school. Oloruntimehin was the most brilliant of my friends. One day, he came to tell me to apply for a vacancy in the university; they were looking for a ‘Junior Research Fellow in Yoruba Studies’. The job of the research fellow was collecting and analysing Ifa literature for the institute,” Wande explained.
I told Oloruntimehin I neither have an MA in English nor divinity or anthropology which were the prerequisites for the job because I was still an undergraduate, but he said, “Do you think anyone can beat you in that area?” So, I applied to the Institute of African Studies through its director, Prof R. G. Armstrong, a white man.
The next day after I applied, I got a response from Prof Armstrong, acknowledging the receipt of my application, and saying though I didn’t possess an MA degree, I would still be interviewed to see if I could be shortlisted.
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“Because my surname starts with the letter ‘A’, I was the first to be interviewed. The interview lasted for about two hours. It turned out to be a class where I was the teacher and my interviewers became the students. There were still nine candidates waiting to be interviewed. I was still in the institute when the second candidate entered and came out in less than 15 minutes.
“Thus, I was employed and became a faculty (member) before I graduated. After I was employed, an official of UI Estates came and showed me around vacant staff apartments. I picked one apartment. It has a telephone and you can call anywhere in the world anytime. I bought a car before I graduated in June. The maintenance unit of the university takes care of the staff’s cars almost for free. So, I got salaries from April to June when I graduated,” Wande stated.
That was the only letter of application Wande wrote all his life. He proceeded to the North-Western Evanston University, Chicago, Illinois, for his Master’s degree.
“In those days, if you had an honours degree, you could skip the MA degree but I couldn’t because I opted to study a different course at the MA level – Linguistics. I finished my programme and returned home to receive two letters of appointment. One as Research Fellow, African Studies Department, University of Ife; and the other as Lecturer II in the proposed Department of Yoruba, University of Lagos,” he said.
To be continued.
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Tinubu’s Buharization of NNPC By Farooq Kperogi

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President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and former President Muhammadu Buhari

Tinubu’s Buharization of NNPC by Farooq Kperogi

After the sustained, unwarranted personal attacks I endured for eight years from northerners for unswervingly calling out what I called the “embarrassingly undisguised Arewacentricity of Buhari’s appointments” in a February 2, 2019, column titled “Even Ahmadu Bello Would Be Ashamed of Buhari’s Arewacentricity,” I promised that I would look the other way if a southern president returned the favor after Buhari’s tenure.

But promises made in the heat of disillusionment often crumble under the weight of principle.

Ironically, this column was inspired by a well-regarded Yoruba supporter of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu who is worried, in fact embarrassed, by the optics of what he says is Tinubu’s relentless Yorubacentric take-over of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC).

His concern wasn’t just partisan discomfort; it was a profound unease about how this nepotistic approach undermines national cohesion.

I frankly hadn’t been paying attention to the internal dynamics at the NNPC, but the acquaintance pointed out that Yoruba people now occupy major positions at the NNPC and that a certain (person) is “being proposed as GMD after Mele Kyari’s term expires” early next year.

I haven’t independently confirmed the accuracy of this claim but given the closeness of the source of information to people in the circles of power, it’s probably best to not dismiss this with the wave of the hand.

His concern is that Tinubu, from the Southwest, is already the minister of petroleum. Senator Heineken Lokpobiri, the Minister of State for Petroleum and Chairman of the NNPC, is from the South-South. Chief Pius Akinyelure from the Southwest is NNPC’s Non-Executive Board Chairman.

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The head of the NNPC Upstream Investment Management Services (NUIMS), Mr. Bala Wunti, my acquaintance pointed out, has been replaced by one Seyi Omotowa. Gbenga Komolafe is the chief executive officer of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), making him the highest-ranking upstream regulator.

“If a Yoruba man were to be the GMD, another Yoruba man is the Chairman, and yet another Yoruba man is the regulator, that’s extreme lopsidedness,” and other parts of Nigeria would be justified to feel uncomfortable, my acquaintance said.

As with issues of this nature, the reality may be more complex that the surface-level impressions that I have been presented with. Of the 12-member non-executive Board of Directors, I counted at least four names that I recognize as northern, and that includes Kyari, the outgoing GMD.

The 7-member Senior Management Team on NNPC’s website has three northerners (if Kyari is included). That seems fair. Plus, Buhari actually appointed many of the Yoruba people in high places at the NNPC. By these metrics, one might argue that there’s a semblance of balance.

However, Tinubu’s broader public image tells a different story. His administration is rapidly cementing a reputation for Yorubacentric provincialism. Like the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, who governed Nigeria as if he were still a Katsina governor, Tinubu appears to be governing Nigeria as though he were still the governor of Lagos.

Just like Yar’adua was elected a Nigerian president but operated like a Katsina governor in Abuja, Tinubu is also, so far, a Nigerian president only in name. His mindset is still that of the governor of Lagos.

With a few notable (and in some cases unavoidable) exceptions, Tinubu’s government is largely the re-enactment of his time as the governor of Lagos. It is, for all practical purposes, an unabashed Lagos-centric Yorubacracy.

To be fair, though, with the possible exception of Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration, all civilian regimes since 1999 have been insular ethnocracies.

My source reminded me of a viral social media post I wrote on January 14, 2019, titled “New IGP: Why Progressive Northerners Should be Embarrassed” where I gave four reasons for being insistently censorious of Buhari’s Arewacentric appointments in response to southerners who asked why I was bothered since I was a northern Muslim who was “favored” by such appointments—“favored,” that is, on the emotional and symbolic plane.

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I pointed out that I criticized similar such parochial appointments by previous presidents from the South and that it would be hypocritical to look the other way because I was now “favored” by such appointments.

I said people from my region and religion won’t always be in power, and I wanted to be able to stand on a firm moral pedestal when I criticize future presidents who replicate Buhari’s (and previous presidents’) provincialism.

Most importantly, I said, I was personally embarrassed by Buhari’s insularity and that every progressive northerner should be. I described it as the sort of embarrassment you feel when your best friend who thinks highly of your mother visits you in your home and your mother, during a family dinner, gives you a considerably bigger food portion size and choicer pieces of meat than your friend.

“You feel like screaming: ‘Mom, I know you love me, but you’re embarrassing me by showing overt preferential treatment to me in the presence of my friend’,” I wrote.

The Yoruba acquaintance of mine who alerted me to the creeping Yoruba-centric take-over of the NNPC said he was doing so out of a feeling of the same sense of embarrassment that inspired my rage against Buhari’s appointments that favored the North unfairly, especially in the areas of security.

Tinubu is doing in the economy sector what Buhari did in the security sector. The minister of finance, the governor of the central bank, and every other consequential agency in finance is headed by a Yoruba man. I am not sure Nigeria has ever seen this level of extreme, state-sanctioned ethnocentric domination of a critical segment of national life.

Appointing another Yoruba individual as the head of the NNPC would complete what many already perceive as the ethnic capture of Nigeria’s economic nerve center. It would not only cement Tinubu’s image as an insensitive ethnocrat but also exacerbate public discontent and foster deeper divisions in an already polarized nation.

If Tinubu is unaware of this burgeoning perception, he needs to awaken to its reality. Leadership is not just about policies and actions; it’s also about managing optics and inspiring confidence in a nation’s collective identity.

In a September 5, 2015, column titled “Buhari is Losing the Symbolic War,” where I railed against the exclusion of Igbo people in Buhari’s first appointments, I wrote:

“Symbolism isn’t the same thing as substance. Appointing people to governmental positions does nothing to improve anybody’s lot—except, perhaps, the people so appointed and their immediate families.

“Jonathan’s disastrous 5-year presidency couldn’t even bring basic infrastructure like boreholes to his hometown of Otueke, yet his people derive vicarious satisfaction from the fact of his being Nigeria’s former president.

“Human beings are animated by a multiplicity of impulses, including rational and emotional impulses, both of which are legitimate. When we turn on our rational impulses, we may ask: What would appointing an Igbo man as SGF, for instance, do to Igbo people? The answer is ‘nothing.’

“But we are more than rational beings: we are also emotional beings. That’s why people are invested in symbolism. Appointing someone from the southeast or the deep south is merely a symbolic gesture, but it inspires a sense of inclusion in the minds of many people from that region; it serves as a symbolic conduit through which people vicariously connect with the government.”

This cycle of ethnic favoritism must end if Nigeria is to realize its full potential as a nation. To grow and thrive, we need leaders who can transcend the narrow confines of ethnocracy.

We need leadership that embraces diversity and inclusion, not as buzzwords but as guiding principles for governance. Only then can we begin to heal the fractures that divide us and build a nation that serves all its citizens, regardless of ethnicity or region.

Farooq Kperogi is a renowned Nigerian columnist and United States-based Professor of Media Studies.

Tinubu’s Buharization of NNPC by Farooq Kperogi

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Ademola Lookman showed Davido and Kemi Badenoch that wisdom is not by age – Omokri

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Reno Omokri, Ademola Lookman, Davido and Kemi Badenoch

Ademola Lookman showed Davido and Kemi Badenoch that wisdom is not by age – Omokri

Recently, the singer David Adeleke was given a global stage to do whatever he wanted and deliver any message.

Sadly, Mr. Adeleke used the opportunity to speak in an American accent. Not only that, he used that American accent to talk down on Nigeria and tell the world not to invest in Nigeria because, as he put it, Nigeria’s “economy is in shambles”.

Coincidentally, a month after his faux pas, Kemi Badenoch, probably inspired by Davido, used her British accent to talk down Nigeria, calling us “a very poor country” where the police rob citizens.

But the interesting thing about her own case is that the next day, the BBC featured a panel of Conservative Party big shots, and one of them, Albie Amankona, a party chieftain from Chiswick, who is also a celebrity broadcaster, said, and this is a direct quote:

“If you are a Brexiteer, and you are saying we need to be expanding our global trade beyond the European Union, we want to be looking at emerging markets for growth, don’t slag off one of the fastest growing economies in Africa.”

Is it not strange that it took the BBC and a British politician to promote Nigeria as one of the fastest-growing economies in Africa?

And just when we thought it was all bad news, God gave us a breath of fresh air in the youthful Ademola Lookman, who used the global podium granted to him by his winning the 2024 African Footballer of the Year award to promote and project Nigeria and the Lukumi Yoruba language to the world.

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Wisdom is not by age. If not, Ademola Lookman, who is just twenty-seven, will not have displayed greater wisdom than David Adeleke, who is thirty-two, and Kemi Badenoch, at forty-four.

Mr. Lookman proved that the age of Methuselah has nothing to do with the wisdom of Solomon.

And it is not as though other ethnicities with global icons do not also project Nigeria. They do.

Dr. Mrs. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala spoke Igbo on the podium of the WTO in Geneva. In terms of prestige, she is FAR above Lookman.

My campaign is not for the Lukumi Yoruba alone. It is for all sub-Saharan Black Africans to learn to speak their language and not use ability to speak English or another colonial language as a measure of intelligence.

Besides Lukumi Yoruba and Hausa, every other Nigerian language, including Fulfulde, is gradually dying out.

General Buhari is half Fulani and half Kanuri. Yet, he cannot speak either Fuifulde or Kanuri. But he speaks Hausa and English.

Fact-check me: In 2012, UNESCO declared Igbo an endangered language.

However, the Lukumi Yoruba are to be commended for their affirmative actions to advance their language and culture.

Let me give you an example. All six Governors of the Southwest bear full Lukumi names: Jide Sanwa-Olu, Seyi Makinde, Dapo Abiodun, Ademola Adeleke, Abiodun Oyebanji, and Orighomisan Aiyedatiwa.

No other zone in Nigeria has all its governors bearing ethnic Nigerian names as first and second names. They either bear Arabic or European names as first names or even first and second names.

If we truly want to be the Giant of Africa, we must take affirmative steps to preserve our language and culture so we can have children like Ademola Lookman.

Teach your language to your children before you teach them English. They will learn English at school. Being multilingual is scientifically proven to boost intelligence.

Fact-check me: In the U.S., Latino kids do not speak English until they start school. They learn Spanish as a first language.

Even if you relocate to the UK, the best you can be is British. You can never be English. And if your choice of Japa is the U.S., the highest you can be is an American citizen. You will never become a White Anglo-Saxon Protestant WASP.

Your power lies in balancing ancient and modern, Western and African, English (or other colonial languages) and your native tongue.

That is the way to reverse language erosion, like the Lukumi Yoruba.

Ademola Lookman showed Davido and Kemi Badenoch that wisdom is not by age – Omokri

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Kemi Badenoch’s Hate for Nigeria – Femi Fani-Kayode

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Femi Fani-Kayode

Kemi Badenoch’s Hate for Nigeria – Femi Fani-Kayode

“I find it interesting that everyone defines me as a Nigerian. I identify less with the country than with my specific ethnic group. I have nothing in common with the people from the north of the country, the Boko Haram, where Islamism is. Being Yoruba is my true identity and I refuse to be lumped with the northern people of Nigeria who were our ethnic enemies, all in the name of being called a Nigerian”- @KemiBadenoch.

Dangerous rhetoric

Kemi Badenoch, MP, the leader of the British Conservative Party and Opposition in the @UKParliament, has refused to stop at just denigrating our country but has gone a step further by seeking to divide us on ethnic lines.

She claims that she never regarded herself as being a Nigerian but rather a Yoruba and that she never identified with the people from the Northern part of our country who she collectively describes as being “Boko Haram Islamists” and “terrorists”.

This is dangerous rhetoric coming from an impudent and ignorant foreign leader who knows nothing about our country, who does not know her place and who insists on stirring up a storm that she cannot contain and that may eventually consume her.

It is rather like saying that she identifies more with the English than she does with the Scots and the Welsh whom she regards as nothing more than homicidal and murderous barbarians that once waged war against her ethnic English compatriots!

All this coming from a young lady of colour that is a political leader in a multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-cultural country that lays claim to being the epitome of decency and civilisation! What a strange and inexplicable contradiction this is.

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Her intentions are malevolent and insidious and her objective, outside of ridiculing and mocking us, is to divide us and bring us to our knees.

I am constrained to ask, what on earth happened to this creature in her youth and why does she hate Nigeria with such passion?

Did something happen to her when she lived here which she has kept secret?

Kemi Badenoch’s Hate for Nigeria – Femi Fani-Kayode

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