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Reflections on Sūratu Yūsuf: Lessons For Everyday Life (I)

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BismiLlāhi’r-Rahmāni’r-Rahīm. All praise is due to Allāh subhānahu wa ta’ālā. May the peace and blessings of Allāh be upon prophet Muhammad and his household and companions. Āmīn.
Sūratu Yūsuf is the most interesting story of the Qur’ān. As Imām bn Kathīr rahimahuLlāh puts it:
“It is a story involving both human weaknesses like jealousy, hatred, pride, passion, deception, intrigue, cruelty and terror, as well as noble qualities like patience, loyalty, bravery, nobility and compassion.”
Of all the prophets of Allāh whose stories were narrated in the Qur’ān, Yūsuf was probably the only one whose story was never repeated in any other Sūrah in the Qur’ān.
Sūratu Yūsuf is very important to read and study for the following reasons:
1. It is the best of stories (verse 4). The human soul is created to desire the best of everything.
2. It contains signs for reflection for those who are inquisitive (verse 7)
3. It is one of the hidden information for many that Allāh has chosen to reveal to this Ummah through Muhammad (verse 102). Thus, reading it will strengthen our belief in the unseen.
4. It contains points of reflection and lessons for people of understanding (verse 111).
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What are the most critical lessons in this Sūrah for our everyday life?

1. Dreams have implications and consequences

Dreams are not ordinary events. They are not like the Yorùbá people say, “àlà gọ”. Yūsuf عليه السلام had a dream in which he saw eleven stars, the sun and the moon all prostrating to him. At the time, Yūsuf was a young man who didn’t understand the implications of his dreams. So he narrated it to his father who was gifted the knowledge of interpretation of dreams (Yūsuf would later be gifted this knowledge, too). He perfectly understood both the implications of the dream and consequences of Yūsuf’s brothers knowing about it. So he told Yūsuf to keep it away from them and he did. This dream would later come to pass in verse 100 of the Sūrah:
“And he raised his parents upon the throne and they all (his father, mother, and eleven siblings) bowed to him in prostration. And he said, “O my father, this is the explanation of my vision of before. My Lord has made it a reality.”
Similarly, in verse 36, Yūsuf’s two prison mates had a dream in which one saw himself pressing grapes for wine, while the other was carrying bread in his head from which birds were eating. Yūsuf عليه السلام interpreted both dreams to mean that one or them will become the king’s cup bearer, while the other would be crucified. Both incidents came to pass.
Also, in verse 43, the King of Egypt at the time had a strange dream in which seven fat cows were being devoured by seven lean ones, and there were seven green spikes of grain and others that were dry. When Yūsuf عليه السلام was informed, he interpreted it to mean people will experience seven difficult years in which there will be drought and famine in the land. So he suggested an effective economic template of prudence and saving for the rainy days.
Dreams are not to be taken lightly. It was the medium through which some of the prophets of Allāh received divine guidance and instructions.
For instance, prophet Ibrāhīm عليه السلام received instructions to sacrifice his son, Ismā’īl, through dream.
“And when he reached with him the age of exertion, he said, “O my son, indeed, I have seen in a dream that I must sacrifice you, so see what you think.” He said* “O my father, do as you’re commanded. You will find me, if Allāh wills, of the steadfast.” (Q.37:102)
Prophet Muhammad صلى الله عليه وسلم received the following information through dreams:
* The victory at Badr (8:43)
* The conquest of Makkah (48:27)
In fact, the stanzas of adhān and Iqāmah were revealed through the dreams of two Sahābah (Abdullāh bn Zayd and Umar bn al-Khattāb) and the prophet صلى الله عليه وسلم approved of it in his capacity as the Messenger of Allāh.
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‘Ā’isha رضي الله عنها said:
كان أول ما بُدئَ به رسول الله من الوحيد الرؤيا الصداقة في النوم
“The first phase of revelations that came to the prophet were true dreams…”
The prophet صلى الله عليه وسلم said:
الرؤيا الحسنة من الرجل الصالح جزء من ستة وأربعين جزءا من النبوة
“A good dream by a righteous man is 1/46 parts of prophecy.”
He also said:
أصدق الناس رؤيا أصدقهم حديثا
“And the truest vision will be of one who is himself the most truthful in speech,.”

Categories of Dreams

Dreams are of three categories. The Messenger of Allāh صلى الله عليه وسلم said:
والرؤيا ثلاثة: فرؤيا صالحة بشرى من الله، ورؤيا تخويف من الشيطان ورؤيا ما يحدّث به المرء نفسه فإذا رأى أحدكم ما يكره فليقم فليصل
“Dreams are of three types:
(i) A good dream which is a sort of good tidings from Allah;
(ii) A bad dream which causes pain is from the Shaytān;
(iii) A suggestion of one’s own mind.
So if any one of you sees a dream which he does not like he should stand up and offer prayer.”
Once a man came to the prophet صلى الله عليه وسلم and said:
رأيتُ البارحة فيما يراه النائم كأن عنقي ضُربت وسقط رأسي فاتبعتُه فأخذته فأعدتُه. فقال رسول الله، إذا لعب الشيطان بأحدكم في منامه فلا يحدّث به الناس
Last night, I had a dream in which my head was chopped off but I picked it up and fixed it. The prophet صلى الله عليه وسلم said, “whenever shaytān toys with you in your sleep, do not relate it with anyone.”

What To Do With Dreams/Nightmares

Dreams have no standard interpretation. Two individuals may see a similar thing in their dreams, yet the interpretation might differ. Thus, it is wrong to copy and paste the interpretation of the dream of another person. More importantly, the knowledge of interpretation of dreams is being claimed today by charlatans and fraudsters masquerading as Muslim clerics, hence the need to be extremely careful and cautious.
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The Messenger of Allāh صلى الله عليه وسلم has taught us what to do whenever we have a dream; pleasant or terrible. In the narration by Abū Qatādah, the prophet said:
الرؤيا الحسنة من الله والحلم من الشيطان فمن رأى شيئا يكرهه فلينفث عن شماله ثلاثا وليتعوذ من الشيطان فإنها لا تضرّه (متفق عليه)
“A good dream is from Allāh and a bad dream is from the Shaytān; so if one of you sees anything (in a dream which he dislikes, he should spit on his left side thrice and seek refuge with Allāh from its evil, and then it will never harm him.” (Agreed upon)
In another narration by Abū Sa’īd al-Khudrī, he said: “I heard the Messenger of Allāh saying…
عَنْ أَبِي سَعِيدٍ الْخُدْرِيِّ أَنَّهُ سَمِعَ النَّبِيَّ صَلَّى اللَّهُ عَلَيْهِ وَسَلَّمَ يَقُولُ إِذَا رَأَى أَحَدُكُمْ رُؤْيَا يُحِبُّهَا فَإِنَّمَا هِيَ مِنْ اللَّهِ فَلْيَحْمَدْ اللَّهَ عَلَيْهَا وَلْيُحَدِّثْ بِهَا وَإِذَا رَأَى غَيْرَ ذَلِكَ مِمَّا يَكْرَهُ فَإِنَّمَا هِيَ مِنْ الشَّيْطَانِ فَلْيَسْتَعِذْ مِنْ شَرِّهَا وَلَا يَذْكُرْهَا لِأَحَدٍ فَإِنَّهَا لَا تَضُرُّهُ
“When one of you sees a dream he likes, it is from Allāh so let him praise Allāh for it and speak about it. When one of you sees something else he dislikes, it is from Shaytān so let him seek refuge from its evil and not mention it to anyone. It will not harm him.”
Source: Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī 6584
He also added in some chains of its narrations:
“فإن رأى رؤيا حسنة فليبشّر ولا يخبر إلا من يحبّ”
“If he seems a good dream, he should only relate it to who he loves.”
فليبصق عن يساره ثلاثا وليستعذ بالله من الشيطان ثلاثا وليتحول عن جنبه الذي كان عليه
“(If he sees a bad dream) he should spit drily thrice to his left, seek refuge with Allāh from the evil of Shaytān thrice, and change the side on which he was sleeping.”
Thus, whenever a Muslim sees a good dream (sees something that’s pleasing to him in his dream), he should do the following:
(i) Thank Allāh subhānahu wa ta’ālā by saying AlhamduliLlāh or other similar statements;
(ii) Pray to Allāh to make it a reality;
(iii) Relate it only to his loved ones (someone you love and is sure loves you);
If, on the other hand, he sees a bad dream that grieves him, he should do the following:
(i) Spit drily thrice to his left;
(ii) Seek Allāh’s protection from the evil of Shaytān by reciting adhkār/suwar of protection. For instance, one can recite the following:
“A’ūdhu bikalimāti’llāhi at-tāmmāt min gadabihi wa sharri ibādihi wa min hamazāt ash-shayātīn wa an yahdurūnī”
Or
“A’ūdhu bikalimāti’llāhi at-tāmmāt min sharri mā khalaqa.”
Among others. Or even āyatul kursiyy or the two qul ‘a’ūdhus…
(iii) Perform ablution and observe nāfilah at least two raka’ah (optional);
(iv) Change the side on which he was sleeping;
(v) Never relate it to anyone (even if it’s to seek its interpretation).
It is important to note that approaching soothsayers or fortune tellers irrespective of whatever name they call themselves (Jalabists) is not of the teachings of the Prophet صلى الله عليه وسلم. The prophet ,صلى الله عليه وسلم had said that whoever approaches them to seek anything from them, his Salāt will not be accepted for forty days!
If Ya’qūb عليه السلام could warn his son, Yūsuf, from relating his dream to his siblings lest they plot against him, how do you feel safe relating your dream to a total stranger who you call your Alfa.
More importantly, as Muslims, we do not take instructions or religious injunctions from dreams. This is exclusive to the prophets of Allāh ALONE. Thus, we do not take serious the claim by Shaykh Ahmad Tijanni, founder of the Tijaniyyah order that he received certain religious injunctions from the prophet in his dream. This claim is a blatant lie and a satanic fabrication.
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Similarly, even if your late parents were to appear to you in your dream and instruct you to carry out specified acts of Ibādah (other than the obligatory acts), you must NOT do it, as this may be the Shaytān trying to trick and lure you to Bid’ah and Shirk.
It is equally possible for an associate or relative to have a dream about you and relate it to you. Such a person, however, does not have any authority to specify for you any act of ibādah or sadaqah. And even if he did, you must NOT carry it out. As for a total stranger who you have never met before accosting you and telling you that he was sent to you from his dream, such person is a barefaced liar that must be IGNORED.
Do not take your dream to anyone for interpretation. If it’s good, thank Allāh and pray over it. If it’s bad, seek Allāh’s protection from it and be fervent in prayer. The Prophet has said that if you do the above, the evil in that dream will not harm you.

Parents Must Not Prefer A Child to the Other

It is wrong for parents to love and prefer a child to the other. Although love is a matter of the heart which one may not have control over, nonetheless, parents must be mindful of the negative effect of showing glaring affection and prefence for a child over the other. Sometimes, such love may be due to gender of the child, or the one whom he/she was named after, good conduct, brilliance, etc.
It is natural for parents to prefer the well-behaved/intelligent child to the ill-mannered/dull child. However, making such love and preference so glaring, and especially to the disadvantage of the other child/children is not permitted by the Sharī’ah. This is the same way that those with more than one wife are warned against showing more affection to one at the expense of the other. In one’s heart, one may prefer one to the other, but he must not show it in his public relationship with them.
The major reason why Yūsuf was so despised by his siblings was their father’s love and preference for him and his kid brother, Bunyamin. In verses 8, they complained thus:
اِذۡ قَالُوۡا لَيُوۡسُفُ وَاَخُوۡهُ اَحَبُّ اِلٰٓى اَبِيۡنَا مِنَّا وَنَحۡنُ عُصۡبَةٌ ؕ اِنَّ اَبَانَا لَفِىۡ ضَلٰلٍ مُّبِيۡنِ ۖ ۚ‏
“And call to mind when the brothers of Joseph conferred together and said: “Surely Joseph and his brother are dearer to our father than we are, although we are a group of so many. Our father is clearly mistaken.”
It is mentioned by some commentators on the Qur’ān that Yūsuf and his brother were more loved by their father for three reasons:
i. Their mother had died, so it was natural for him to feel more inclined towards them than his other children whose mother was still alive;
ii. They were his youngest children. Parents often feel more inclined to their young and vulnerable children than they feel towards their grown up siblings;
iii. Yūsuf, especially displayed early signs of righteousness and responsibility, at a time when his siblings were somehow rebellious.
However, this love and preference for Yūsuf cost prophet Ya’qūb عليه السلام so dearly, as the brothers executed a well orchestrated plan to get rid of Yūsuf in order to gain their father’s affection and trust. In verses 9-10, they debated their plan and concluded thus:
اۨقۡتُلُوۡا يُوۡسُفَ اَوِ اطۡرَحُوۡهُ اَرۡضًا يَّخۡلُ لَـكُمۡ وَجۡهُ اَبِيۡكُمۡ وَ تَكُوۡنُوۡا مِنۡۢ بَعۡدِهٖ قَوۡمًا صٰلِحِيۡنَ‏. قَالَ قَآئِلٌ مِّنۡهُمۡ لَا تَقۡتُلُوۡا يُوۡسُفَ وَاَلۡقُوۡهُ فِىۡ غَيٰبَتِ الۡجُـبِّ يَلۡتَقِطۡهُ بَعۡضُ السَّيَّارَةِ اِنۡ كُنۡتُمۡ فٰعِلِيۡنَ‏
“So either kill Yūsuf or cast him into some distant land so that your father’s attention may become exclusively yours. And after so doing become righteous. Thereupon one of them said: “Do not kill Yūsuf, but if you are bent upon doing something, cast him down to the bottom of some dark pit, perhaps some caravan passing by will take him out of it.”
Prophet Ya’qūb عليه السلام suffered a great deal over this. He cried until he lost his vision. He loved Yūsuf to a fault and his sudden disappearance shattered him.
The Messenger of Allāh has ﷺ warned against giving a child preferential treatment at the expense of another. An-Nu’mān bn Bashīr رضي الله عنه narrated that once his father, Bashīr, took him to the prophet ﷺ seeking to make him a witness over a present that he gave him. The Prophet ﷺ asked him:
أكل ولدك نحلته مثل هذا/أفعلت هذا بولدك كلهم/يا بشير ألك ولد سوى هذا/أكلهم وهبت له مثل هذا
“Do you have a chld other than him? Did you present a similar gift to your other children?”
He replied: “Yes, I have other children. No, I didn’t present a similar gift to the others.”
Thereupon, the Messenger of Allāh ﷺ said,
فارجعه/اتقوا اللَّه واعدلوا في أولادكم/ لا تشهدني إذاً؛ فإني لا أشهد على جور/لا تشهدني على جور!/أشهد على هذا غيري!
“Take it back. Fear Allāh and treat your children justly. Do not make me a witness. I do not bear witness to injustice. Go get another person to serve as witness.”
This Hadīth clearly prohibits treating one’s children unjustly by preferring some of them to the others. The neglected child may be inspired by the Shaytān to harm the beloved one, or even their parents. This is why the Messenger of Allāh ﷺ said:
“Be just among your children in gifting, like you would love them to treat you equally in righteousness and kindness.”

Dr. Sanusi Lafiagi is a lecturer in Department of Islamic Studies, Al-Hikmah University Ilorin

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Beyond the Ballot: Shaping a Bar That Works for All

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Beyond the Ballot: Shaping a Bar That Works for All

By Asiwaju Kunle Kalejaye, SAN

 

The inaugural address of Mrs. Oyinkansola Badejo-Okusanya, SAN, titled “From the Call to the Cause,” marks a historic turning point for the legal community as she officially assumes office as the 33rd President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) as she wa sworn in by her predecessor, Afam Osigwe, SAN, at the High Court complex in Port Harcourt, Rivers State.

Her leadership, the hiccup of her emergence notwithstanding, represents a historic milestone as the first woman elected to the NBA presidency through a competitive, though highly disputed, national ballot. Her address presents a powerful vision for a “bolder Bar” that actively confronts internal fractures, deep professional disconnects, and economic vulnerabilities. Central to her message is the core understanding that an association tasked with safeguarding judicial independence and speaking truth to power cannot effectively fulfill its national mandate if it remains internally fragmented. By focusing on the professional survival of young lawyers and vowing to act decisively against public misconduct, Badejo-Okusanya highlights an urgent reality: institutional strength requires collective solidarity and institutional determination. Fostering lasting unity within the NBA under this administration demands a deliberate shift from performative governance to deeply institutionalized, structural changes that build bridges across classes, factions, generations, and geographical divides.

To bring the NBA together, the new administration must incorporate proactive mechanisms for post-election reconciliation directly into its governance framework. The leadership must deliberately distance itself from divisive rhetoric and provocative nuances. The competitive nature of Bar elections often leaves behind lingering bitter factions that can stunt long-term cooperation and slow down progressive policies. By building an “olive branch” initiative that integrates runner-up contestants and their core campaign stakeholders into strategic national committees, the leadership can transform former rivals into active co-creators of the Bar’s future. Indeed this strategy which I dubbed the Abraham Lincoln strategy remains an eternal clincher.

Abraham Lincoln won the 1860 presidential election and famously appointed his chief Republican nomination rivals to key cabinet positions. Lincoln believed the country faced extreme peril during the crisis leading into the Civil War l. He wanted the most capable and influential leaders in his administration regardless of past personal competition. He valued robust debate over agreement, using differing viewpoints to make better decisions. This inclusivity must simultaneously bridge the widening economic and generational gap between senior practitioners and younger advocates. Enforcing standardized minimum remuneration and welfare requirements across all local branches will help reduce the economic alienation felt by younger members. To make this sustainable, the administration should establish joint mentorship hubs where senior legal practitioners collaborate with tech-savvy young lawyers on modern areas of practice, such as artificial intelligence, data privacy, and digital commerce, turning a generational divide into a symbiotic avenue for mutual professional empowerment.

True unity also requires restoring civil digital discourse through a comprehensive Digital Ethics Enforcement framework, fulfilling the President’s explicit warning against the breakdown of professional etiquette on social media. The profession has lost some vast mileage due to the digital posture of some members. To achieve this, the NBA can look to established global precedents where foreign bar associations have successfully navigated the complexities of digital misconduct. For instance, the American Bar Association (ABA) successfully integrated technological expectations into its framework via the Ethics 20/20 Commission, explicitly modifying its Model Rules of Professional Conduct such as Rules 1.6 and 8.4 to govern online confidentiality, misleading public statements, and deceptive digital behaviour. Similarly, the Law Society of England and Wales updated its practice note and compliance frameworks to penalize offensive online remarks, reinforcing that comments made by a lawyer in a personal capacity can still be actively disciplined as professional misconduct if public trust is damaged. By adopting a similar structure, the NBA can expand its own Rules of Professional Conduct into a clear code for online behaviour, utilizing its network of regional Ethics and Disciplinary Committees to monitor digital spaces and safely review flagged misconduct via secure portals.

Backing this framework with public disciplinary actions and a tiered system of sanctions will allow the NBA to decisively penalize cyberbullying, transitioning professional disputes into mediated internal forums rather than chaotic public platforms. This digital accountability should be reinforced by introducing mandatory continuing legal education (CLE) modules in digital etiquette, ensuring that practitioners maintain technological and behavioral competence.

Immediately, the NBA must dismantle the persistent perception that it is a “Lagos-Abuja centric” organization. Actively decentralizing national activities, rotating National Executive Council (NEC) meetings across various geopolitical zones, and providing direct financial and technical resources to smaller, rural branches will make every lawyer feel valued regardless of geography. Ultimately, by integrating these targeted, practical strategies and internationally proven ethical standards into the foundational ideals of her inaugural address, the administration can successfully unite its members and establish a cohesive, resilient front capable of defending the rule of law across Nigeria.

The new administration must pursue a deliberate policy towards attracting many docile members back into its fold.
If the new administration must know, the opaque electoral processes that had dogged the association in recent history has adversely affected the morale of a significant number but silent members of the Association. Chief Yomi Alliyu graphically stated the disturbing position when he posited in an opinion piece that: “The NBA has been hijacked by political lawyers to the disaffection of real practitioners of law. “Elections from 2016 or so vide e-voting had been manipulated to favour members of this class.”

The new administration must therefore consciously pursue reconciliatory steps that rein in all members. As at now, the silent class war must end for NBA to achieve its full potential.

I was sorely tempted to headline this peice: Nigerian Bar Association: the road to Kigali. I refrained because I still saw a silver lining which this new administration can latch on to save the NBA from itself!

The “road to Kigali” serves as a grim warning about the risk of total institutional fracture, polarization, and potential irrelevance. If proactive steps are not taken to unify and reform the body, it faces the danger of fracturing into competing, ethnicized, or regionalized professional factions, effectively ending the era of a single, unified voice for the Nigerian Bar.

The 1992 Port Harcourt Conference Crisis, was a definitive moment that brought the NBA to the brink of permanent destruction. Today, unless we play the ostrich, the cries of war are abroad but the present leadership could etch their names in gold if the NBA is consciously, deliberately and clinically steered from self implosion. Their job is cut out for them.Failure to seize the moment may end up placing us all on the road to Kigali.

Asiwaju Kunle Kalejaye SAN
Eagle102.5 FM Ilese-Ijebu

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Why Atiku’s subsidy gambit rattles Tinubu, By Farooq Kperogi

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Kperogi is a renowned columnist and United States-based professor of journalism.
Farooq Kperogi

Why Atiku’s subsidy gambit rattles Tinubu, By Farooq Kperogi

Atiku Abubakar may finally have discovered the issue that can draw political blood from President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. And I am enjoying seeing the president and his inner circle squirm in discomfort like cats stranded on a hot zinc roof.

On Thursday, barely a day after official campaigns began for the 2027 presidential election, Atiku pledged to restore petrol subsidies if Nigerians elect him president. That pledge, more than anything he has done lately to dislodge Tinubu, is the clearest signal yet that he is prepared to wrest power from the president.

Before now, Atiku expended money, time and energy excavating Tinubu’s past, much of which Nigerians already know. Tinubu’s 1993 civil forfeiture of $460,000 to the US government in a case that grew out of a heroin-trafficking investigation has been public knowledge for years. It was Sahara Reporters that first reported it on September 15, 2008. Fresh FBI or DEA papers are unlikely to suddenly alter electoral attitudes.

The Chicago State University expedition was even less politically useful. Tinubu genuinely attended and graduated from CSU in 1979. Caleb Westberg, the university’s registrar, said so under oath. He agreed that the photocopy Tinubu submitted to INEC did not look like the 1979 samples shown to him, but CSU’s diploma templates changed over the years and the BBC found that Tinubu’s copy resembled replacement diplomas from the 1990s. Westberg also said the missing portion of the university logo could have been cut off during photocopying because American diplomas are unusually large and aren’t intended to be photocopied.

In America, diplomas are largely ceremonial documents that people frame and hang on walls. Transcripts are the official records routinely used to verify attendance and graduation. Atiku’s legal expedition ironically helped establish that Tinubu has a CSU transcript and graduated with honors.

The BBC Global Disinformation Team found no evidence for the claim that Tinubu forged the CSU diploma he submitted to INEC. The report, in fact, won “Fact-Check of the Year by a Working Journalist” at the 2024 African Fact-Checking Awards in Accra. In other words, Atiku spent enormous political energy helping to settle a question whose answer was electorally barren.

Tinubu understood this and mostly ignored the attacks. More importantly, Atiku offered little policy distance from Tinubu on the economic question that has tormented Nigerians since May 2023. He had promised during the last election to remove petrol subsidies within his first 100 days in office. On the most consequential economic policy of the Tinubu presidency, Atiku was traveling on the same ideological road.

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That changed this week. Atiku asked the question millions of Nigerians have been asking: where is the money supposedly saved from subsidy removal? He then promised a new subsidy structure that would privilege locally refined petrol, give qualifying Nigerian refineries crude at preferential prices, impose a fixed annual spending ceiling, trace subsidized crude to actual domestic production and punish diversion. His formulation is that “the subsidy will follow the barrel.”

That is a more serious proposal than the Presidency’s caricature of it. And Tinubu suddenly found his voice. He personally dismissed Atiku’s pledge as a demonstration of “serious ignorance” of governance and the economy. Atiku’s previous assaults on Tinubu’s character produced studied presidential indifference. But his challenge to the economic orthodoxy that has pauperized Nigerians produced presidential irritation. That means he struck a raw nerve.

If Atiku’s proposal demonstrates ignorance, what does Tinubu’s policy demonstrate? Any honest person knows the answer: cruelty. Between ignorance and cruelty, which is more benign? You be the judge.

The anti-subsidy theology that Tinubu and his neoliberal choristers recite has always rested on a false premise. Subsidy simply means government assistance. Every functional society subsidizes something its people need for survival and economic productivity. Governments subsidize food, agriculture, housing, healthcare, transportation or energy according to the peculiarities of their societies.

For Nigeria, petrol occupies a uniquely central place because it doubles as an infrastructural substitute. People buy petrol because public electricity is unreliable. Small businesses generate their own power. Goods move mostly by road. Workers commute in vehicles powered by fuel. Farmers, artisans, traders and manufacturers absorb fuel costs and pass them on through prices.

A petrol subsidy therefore travels through the economy. Its removal travels through the economy too, only in the opposite direction. It raises transportation costs, production costs, food prices and the cost of nearly everything that depends on movement or power.

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I warned about this exactly one month before Tinubu was inaugurated. In my April 29, 2023 column titled “Six Agenda Items for Tinubu’s Success,” I warned that any policy that caused an arbitrary and unbearable increase in petrol prices without a corresponding improvement in incomes and living conditions would sink Tinubu. That warning was elementary commonsense.

The subsidy removal has since wreaked havoc on the economy, deepened poverty, killed businesses, murdered hope, hollowed out the middle class and democratized misery. Reuters now describes the aftermath of Tinubu’s reforms as the worst cost-of-living crisis in a generation. Nearly 80 percent of Nigerians in a recent voter tracker said the country was headed in the wrong direction.

The government’s answer is always the same sterile, tired, intentionally dishonest incantation: temporary pains will yield permanent gains. But we have heard that sermon before.

Ibrahim Babangida’s Structural Adjustment Program came with the same vocabulary of sacrifice, deregulation, currency devaluation, subsidy withdrawal and deferred prosperity. Nigerians were told to endure pain today for abundance tomorrow. By the time Babangida left in 1993, manufacturing had been battered, purchasing power had collapsed and social misery had spread. The promised gains vanished into the ether.

Only living people can enjoy future gains. A government that starves people in installments cannot redeem itself with a hypothetical prosperity scheduled for an undefined tomorrow.

Tinubu’s most frequently advertised dividend of subsidy removal is that states now receive more money and can pay salaries and pensions. That is useful to salary earners, pensioners and the relatives who depend on them. Every Nigerian with a functioning brain cell knows that formal salary and pension earners constitute only a small fraction of Nigeria’s population. The wellbeing of state treasuries is a poor substitute for the wellbeing of the vast majority of citizens.

What kind of economic triumph makes governors more solvent while making citizens poorer? Government has improved the liquidity of public treasuries by draining the liquidity of household economies.

Atiku has finally opened a policy flank that Tinubu cannot wave away with moral insults, ethnic mobilization or tales of macroeconomic “reform.”

Nonetheless, Atiku’s conversion deserves scrutiny. He promised in 2023 to remove the same subsidy he now wants to restore in a redesigned form. I disagreed with him then. A politician who changes his mind after observing the destructive consequences of a policy can reasonably plead that evidence changed his assumptions. Nigerians also have abundant reasons to distrust politicians who discover compassion during campaigns.

They campaign in poetry and govern in prose. Tinubu, after all, told Nigerians during the 2023 campaign that if he failed to give them electricity and returned for a second term, they should not vote for him, although he inserted an escape clause about giving “adequate reasons” for failure. Muhammadu Buhari promised a paradise of security, prosperity and integrity before power exposed the hollowness of his promises.

Atiku therefore has work to do. He must keep explaining the cost of his subsidy plan, its funding source, its legal path under the Petroleum Industry Act, its anti-corruption safeguards and the mechanisms that will ensure cheaper energy reaches households and industries. He should put these commitments in language that can be measured and used against him if he wins.

In spite of my well-justified distrust of the promises of politicians, including Atiku who supervised a ruinous privation program when he was vice president, I can’t help but concede that this is the first truly useful political argument of the 2027 campaign.

Policy contrast is finally replacing pointless and unproductive character assassination. Nigerians already know that Tinubu has a morally complicated past, but they live every day with something more immediate: the extortionate price of food, transport, electricity, medicine and survival.

Atiku has finally moved the contest from Tinubu’s old files in America to Nigerian kitchens, markets, factories and motor parks. That is where Tinubu is most vulnerable. Tinubu can survive old scandals, but the mass hunger his “reforms” have created is a more formidable opponent than impotent darts thrown at his character.

Kperogi is a renowned columnist and United States-based professor of journalism.

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Onaiyekan: Is Tinubu insensitive to Nigerians’ plight? By Bolanle BOLAWOLE

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Onaiyekan: Is Tinubu insensitive to Nigerians’ plight? By Bolanle BOLAWOLE

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(Published in the ON THE LORD’S DAY column in the Sunday Tribune edition of Sunday, 9 August 2026).

The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Nigeria (CBCN) recently held a closed-door meeting with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu after which one of the bishops, John Onaiyekan, Bishop Emeritus of Abuja, went public with the contents of the meeting. The public was aghast when the president was reported as saying that hunger has been in the land before he was born!

But is it a lie? It is not! Tinubu reportedly asked the church leaders to feed the people if they – the church leaders – actually knew the people were hungry! Is it not a fact that many church leaders and denominations today behave like the scribes and Pharisees of Jesus Christ’s era – whom the Lord described as “serpents and generation of vipers”! – who “bind heavy burdens and grievous to be borne, and lay them on men’s shoulders; but they themselves will not move them with one of their fingers”? As many as eight times, Jesus said unto them: “Woe unto you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites!” He also repeatedly called them “fools and blind guides.” (See Matthew 23: 1 – end).

How many of the Catholic bishops who confronted Tinubu with the case of hungry Nigerians do not have hungry parishioners under their watch? How many of the hungry do they feed? Are they themselves among hungry Nigerians? How many of them, having two coats, give one to the naked (Luke 3:11)? How many follow the example of the Fathers (Acts 4: 32 – 37) or the Marxian doctrine of “From each according to his ability and to each according to his need”?

Despite the hardship in the land, which the Bishops went to Tinubu to complain about, are Church leaders not demanding tithes, vows, first fruit, and all manner of offerings – love offering, sacrificial offering, seed offering, thanksgiving offering, etc. from the same suffering masses? Before our very eyes, are they not building cathedrals worth billions of Naira, driving expensive cars, flying private jets, and living life to the hilt? Are they not?

However, this is an uncomfortable truth no one wants to hear! I should know because I am involved – if you know what I mean! Without speaking for Tinubu – because I, too, have my own grievances! – this must have been what he hinted at but which, understandably, was interpreted as an act of insensitivity. But since I, too, was born, up to date, I make bold to say that notable Nigerian musicians one after the other have complained of hard times. It is as if there has never been a time when things were okay in this country – except when we look back! Better times are usually behind us. No matter how bad a government might have been, succeeding governments always appear worse! That has been the narrative!

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It appears to me that Tinubu loves to be audacious once in a while. Like when he made his “O lu’le” speech at Abeokuta, detailing how the then President Muhammadu Buhari contested election thrice but failed until he, Tinubu, came to the rescue. The icing on the case at the occasion was his angry reference to Gov. Dapo Abiodun, as “eleyi”, meaning “this one!” Consider as well his wandering off-script “subsidy is gone” statement in his very first speech and on his very first day as President and Commander-in-Chief!

Tinubu possesses enough knowledge of the media to guess what kind of headlines his statements can attract. In the case of the Catholic bishops, maybe he thought he was safe behind the iron curtain of confidentiality – until one of the bishops chose to tear the veil, forcing the Presidency to respond.

Presidential response to Onaiyekan

The response by Temitope Ajayi, Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media and Publicity, compelled this intervention lest we, again, throw the baby away with the bath water. Often, once we have pitched our tents for or against, we fail to see the merits in opposing advocacies – all to the chagrin of our collective good. Let’s hear from Ajayi:

“There is something fundamentally inappropriate about Cardinal John Onaiyekan granting a television interview to offer his own account and interpretation of what transpired during the private meeting between the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Nigeria and President Bola Tinubu. It is, in my view, an abuse of clerical privilege.

“The bishops requested an audience with the president. He granted the audience graciously. They presented, as was their right, a catalogue of the country’s economic, social, and security challenges as they saw them. Except for their grudging acknowledgement of the benefits of NELFUND, they were dismissive of the other great things done by the administration. The bishops were notably acerbic in their submission, but the president listened to them patiently and responded.

“That should ordinarily have been where the matter rested. None of the issues raised by the bishops is beyond scrutiny or rebuttal. Their assessment is neither scripture nor an article of faith. It is a perspective, and perspectives can be challenged with facts and evidence.

“President Tinubu did exactly that, responding point by point to the issues they raised. On the bishops’ demand for the return of schools to their owners, the President was surprised that such an issue could be tabled before him, as it is a matter for the states to resolve, in line with our Constitution. So, he asked the bishops to take the matter to the governors and reminded them he returned mission schools in Lagos State (to their original owners) when he was (the) governor.

“The President argued that the bishops’ characterization of the country’s current condition was incomplete and, in several respects, inaccurate. He pointed to measurable progress on the economic, social, and security fronts. He did not pretend that Nigeria’s problems had disappeared. He acknowledged that significant economic and security challenges remain. His point was that the country has emerged from ‘a dark tunnel’, that his administration has laid the foundations for recovery and that the next phase is to ensure the greatest number of Nigerians feels the gains.

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“What the clerics often overlook in these interventions is that governing a country is fundamentally different from shepherding a church. In a democracy, every interest group, including the Catholic Church, has every right to demand more from (the) government. That is part of democratic engagement. But the president of a nation of more than 200 million people is required to make difficult choices every single day. Those choices involve competing interests, limited resources, and imperfect options…There is no president…who can wave a magic wand and make Nigeria’s accumulated problems disappear overnight.

“It is easy to compile a list of national problems. It is far more difficult to acknowledge the disasters that have been averted. Whatever anyone thinks of President Tinubu’s policies, it is impossible to ignore the fiscal crisis he inherited and the measures taken to pull the country away from the edge of a financial cliff. Even the bishops themselves should recognize that one tangible consequence has been the restoration of greater fiscal stability across many states.

“Countless civil servants and pensioners who, for years, endured unpaid salaries and pensions are now receiving them more regularly. That was certainly not the reality in many states from around 2014. Even about four years ago, 27 state governments struggled to meet even their most basic obligations. Many of those civil servants and pensioners are themselves parishioners in Catholic churches. They know, from lived experience rather than official pronouncements, that there has been real relief in the regular payment of salaries and pensions. While this does not erase the discomfort many Nigerians still face, it is wrong to dismiss or ignore those improvements casually.

“So when President Tinubu reminded the bishops of these facts during the meeting, he was not, as Cardinal Onaiyekan later suggested, being aloof or dismissive. He was presenting evidence to support his argument that the country is not standing still. A disagreement over facts should not be interpreted as arrogance. The same applies to security. The bishops declared that Nigeria is bleeding. The President thinks otherwise. President Tinubu did not deny the seriousness of the security situation. Rather, he acknowledged the challenges while outlining the gains recorded by the Armed Forces and intelligence agencies across different theatres of operation…

“Cardinal Onaiyekan’s Arise News interview also reflected a familiar error that many ideological and professional critics make. They often assume that only critics speak truth to power while everyone around a leader is either unwilling or incapable of doing so. It is an attractive narrative, but it is rarely true. What truth does anyone really need to tell President Tinubu that he does not already know? As president, he has multiple channels for feeling the pulse of the country…

“The Catholic Bishops discharged what they considered their moral obligation by presenting their concerns to the president. President Tinubu, for his part, accorded them respect by granting them an audience and responding to every issue they raised. That exchange reflected the civility expected in a constitutional democracy.

“Reciprocity should have dictated that the confidentiality and dignity of that engagement be preserved. As such, it was inappropriate for one of the participants to emerge almost immediately on national television to provide his own version of what was essentially a private conversation with the president…” That was Temitope Ajayi, SSA to the President for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Obligations of confidentiality

I asked Google: Is it appropriate to divulge the specifics of a closed-door meeting without the other party’s consent or prior knowledge? Google: “No, it is generally inappropriate and a breach of professional trust to divulge the details of a closed-door meeting without the other party’s consent or prior agreement. Why it is inappropriate: Breaches trust: Closed-door meetings imply an expectation of privacy and confidentiality so participants can speak freely. Damages relationships: Revealing private discussions destroys mutual respect and makes future cooperation difficult. Distorts context: Sharing only one side of a private conversation often misleads the public or other stakeholders who were not in the room.”

Again, I asked: Was Onaiyekan mandated by the CBCN to address the media after their meeting with President Tinubu? Google: “There is no official indication or report that Cardinal John Onaiyekan was specifically mandated or designated by the CBCN to grant media interviews or brief the press following their meeting with President Bola Tinubu…”

Then I asked: Is Onaiyekan the official leader of CBCN? Google: “No, Cardinal John Onaiyekan is not the current leader of CBCN; he is the Archbishop Emeritus of Abuja and previously served as CBCN president from 2000 to 2006.” The current president of CBCN is Most Rev. Matthew Man-Oso Ndagoso, the Metropolitan Archbishop of Kaduna.

Answering another question, Google described Onaiyekan as “a forthright and consistent critic of President Bola Tinubu’s electoral legitimacy and economic policies…” Arising from the above, we can see that Onaiyekan and Tinubu are no strangers to one another but are “old customers”, so to say!

Neither here, nor there

That said, Onaiyekun enjoys freedom of speech as enshrined in our Constitution, regardless how acerbic or far from the truth those views may be. Tinubu, too, has the right of reply which his being a sitting president does not deny him. Achebe said “Let the kite perch and let the eagle perch too. If one says ‘No’ to the other, let his wing break.” China’s revolutionary leader, Mao Zedong, put it this way: “Let a hundred flowers blossom, let a hundred schools of thought contend.” Scriptures cap it all in Proverbs 11: 14 thus: “Where no counsel is, the people fall: but in the multitude of counsellors there is safety.”

Tinubu’s man described the president meeting with the bishops as a privilege; no, it wasn’t! It was their right – and the president’s duty. There is nothing “gracious” in it; it is an obligation duly discharged.

Onaiyekan, however, ought to know that closed-door meetings should be accorded the confidentiality they deserve. To break this important rule is to burn bridges and destroy trust. As journalists, we do not rush to press with information gotten from such sources; we store them to be discretely leveraged in future.

That Onaiyekan was not specifically mandated by the CBCN to speak on its behalf makes his case worse. If it was so important for the bishops to speak, why not their president?

It is not everyone that understands the nuances of Nigeria’s prebendal politics. Femi Adesina, media adviser to President Muhammadu Buhari, said they were flying with Buhari when news of Tinubu’s “O lu’le” atomic bomb dropped on Buhari at Abeokuta reached them. Who was detailed by Buhari’s kinsmen on the same flight to break the news to Buhari? Adesina! Why him? And, now, why Onaiyekan? Dirty jobs reserved for who?

* Former editor of PUNCH newspapers, Chairman of its Editorial Board and Deputy Editor-in-chief, BOLAWOLE was also the Managing Director/Editor-in-chief of The Westerner news magazine. He writes the ON THE LORD’S DAY column in the Sunday Tribune and TREASURES column in New Telegraph newspaper on Wednesdays. He is also a public affairs analyst on radio and television.

 

Onaiyekan: Is Tinubu insensitive to Nigerians’ plight? By Bolanle BOLAWOLE

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