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The humiliating troika of Obasanjo, Shettima and Bakare (1)

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Tunde Odesola
The humiliating troika of Obasanjo, Shettima and Bakare (1)
Tunde Odesola
(Published in The PUNCH, on Friday, September 29, 2023)
Like humans, words have birthplaces. Russia is the birthplace of the word troika. In the once-upon-a-communist-but-now-a-democratic-capitalist country, troika means ‘a group of three’. The Merriam-Webster Dictionary defines a troika as a Russian vehicle drawn by a team of three horses abreast.
As a Yoruba expression, ‘i-k-a’, the last three alphabets of ‘troika’, has cousins in the English noun ‘wickedness’, the adjective ‘wicked’ and the noun ‘highhandedness’. But high-handedness is what I have in mind for drawing an inference from ‘ika’ in this article.
A typical Mr. Vladimir, Put In a Yoruba context, is likely to define tro-i-k-a as ‘three high-handed acts’ and not just ‘a group of three’ which the noun means in his native Russia.
Army General, Olusegun Obasanjo, whose street-bequeathed title, Ebora Owu, highlights an eruptive and combative character, was in his khaki element two Fridays ago in Iseyin, an Oyo town 100 kilometers north of Ibadan.
With his graceful wife, Bola, in tow, the ex-military head of state, ex-civilian president, farmer, writer, teacher, engineer, historian, theologian, sports lover, Egba high chief and ex-3.0, headed to Iseyin as a guest of the Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, for the inauguration of a campus of the Ladoke Akintola University of Technology.
I’m not bound to explain what 3.0 is, please. Go and find out what a three-pointer is in basketball, and stop thinking that ex-3.0 means ex-third-term seeker. I no fit talk so.
Love him or hate him, Obasanjo is a man of great destiny, having many trophies to show for countless life battles. Each time some of his seniors, mates or juniors stopped flying bullets, fate shielded Obasanjo.
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Following a bitter 30-month war – July 6, 1967, through January 13, 1970 – with Nigeria, it was to Obasanjo that Biafra surrendered in January 1970, barely eight months after Colonel Benjamin Adekunle aka Black Scorpion handed over to him in May 1969 upon his (Adekunle’s) redeployment by the Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon. Many accounts of the war say Adekunle laid the foundation for Biafra’s surrender and was ably supported by his lieutenants consisting of Alani Akinrinade, and Alabi Isama, among others.
A diligent soldier and well-respected civilian leader, Obasanjo got medals afield but his home front was not as garlanded.
He got battered in the nose a couple of times, like the bombshell letter titled, “Dear Daddy, you don’t own Nigeria,” written to him by his firstborn, Iyabo, in December 2013, in which the former senator, veterinary doctor and America-trained epidemiologist ruled out further communication with her dad, whom she called ‘a liar, manipulator and two-faced hypocrite’. Iyabo said she didn’t write the letter to seek political favour, insisting she was only saying the truth about her father.
About a year after Iyabo’s letter bomb, Obasanjo, in his book, My Watch, alleged his daughter was induced by the Goodluck Jonathan administration to do a dirty job. Obasanjo had earlier fallen out with President Musa Yar’Adua, whom he helped install as President before Yar’Adua succumbed to sickness and Jonathan succeeded him.
However, a more devastating blow to the face of the General had preceded Iyabo’s letter when his son, Gbenga, alleged in court that he (Obasanjo) slept with his (Gbenga) wife.
Despite the shifting sands of the family front, Obasanjo maintained a firm footing on Nigeria’s political terrain, his solid personal achievements forever etching him into public consciousness.
I think it was based on the record of his larger-than-life accomplishments and charisma that the younger engineer Makinde invited OBJ to Oyo State to witness the showcasing of the Fashola Farm Estate and the inauguration of the 34.85km Oyo-Iseyin Road, both in Oyo town, before journeying to Iseyin for the unveiling of the brand-new LAUTECH campus.
I reliably gathered that some of the traditional rulers on the governor’s entourage at the twin events in Oyo town, also travelled down with him to Iseyin while the hosting Iseyin-axis traditional rulers had patiently awaited the governor and his entourage from Oyo.
These fatigue-inducing events preceded the outburst by Obasanjo, who wracked his throat, spat up and collected the spittle with his own face, upon seeing that the traditional rulers didn’t stand up to greet the governor at the venue of the Iseyin event.
The traditional rulers didn’t see Obasanjo’s sucker punch coming, though they’re called the second-in-command to the gods. It landed terribly on the face, like an Antony Joshua blow, sending crowns crashing down in shame.
The General shouted, “E dide! E joko!” If the traditional rulers had not obeyed his command, what would he have done? Absolutely nothing! And the flame of his rage would’ve been shamefully extinguished before the eyes of the world.
But Obasanjo isn’t a General for nothing. He understands the use of surprise as a great principle of war, and he knows how to pick his fights. He wouldn’t bark such an order to the Oba of Lagos, Kabiyesi Rilwan Akiolu; the Awujale of Ijebu, Oba Sikiru Adetona; the Owa of Ilesa, Oba Adekunle Aromolaran; the Osemawe of Ondo, Oba Victor Kiladejo; among others.
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He wouldn’t have said such to the late Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuwade; or the late Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi. I can imagine how both Sijuwade and Adeyemi would have disdained the order with looks that say the bagworm bears its troubles on its head, ‘arigisegi, ori ara e ni o fi ko’.
Apart from the surprise principle of war which he utilised at Iseyin to the hilt, Obasanjo also employed other war principles such as mapping out his objective, going on the offensive, hitting the mass of his target, using the economy of force, manoeuvrability, unity of command and simplicity.
Exploring manoeuvrability, Obasanjo knew he had no authority to ask the traditional rulers to stand up because he was no longer in power, but he cleverly drew the governor to his side, knowing full well that none of the rulers would risk disobeying his order, and be seen as anti-Makinde.
Obasanjo, the Olori Omo Ilu of Ibogun-Olaogun, said in angry Yoruba, “You kings, I greet you for coming, but let me say something, any event the governor or the president is, all traditional rulers there must stand up to greet the governor or president. Stand up! Sit down! (The kings obeyed his order amid an uproar).
He continues, “In Yorubaland, two things are respected, among others – age and position. The governor has a higher position than any oba when he’s in power, even when I was president, I prostrate to kings, but when we are indoors, kings prostrate to me. Let’s uplift our culture.”
The advocate of do-or-die politics left power more than 16 years ago and he, also, doesn’t know the ages of all the rulers at the event. Therefore, he couldn’t, as of the time he was making the speech, say he was older than all the rulers present. So, on account of position and age, which he canvassed, Obasanjo had no grounds to utter his infamous order.
Some of the rulers at the event were the Okere of Saki, Oba Khalid Olabisi, a first-class monarch; Alado of Ado Awaiye, Onpetu of Ijeruland, Olugbon of Orile Igbon, Onjo of Okeho, Onitede of Tede, Onisemi of Isemi, Eleyinpo of Ipapo, Alageere of Ofiki, Ajoriwin of Irawo, and many other kings in the Oke-Ogun zone of Oyo State.
Some of the towns in the zone are Iganna, Iwere Ile, Ilero, Ogboro, Igboho, Ago Amodu, Ago Are, Baasi, and Okaaka, among others.
I had laid in wait for the response of the Nobel laureate, Prof Wole Soyinka, to OBJ’s attack on the monarchs. I had expected the response via a public statement, but Kongi, being an adept hunter himself, attacked through an ambush, assuring traditional rulers who were part of the audience at a book launch that he wouldn’t bark at them, “Stand up!, Sit down!” because ‘this is a cultured gathering’.
To be continued.

The humiliating troika of Obasanjo, Shettima and Bakare (1)

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Opinion

2027: Competence, Not Zoning, Should Decide Nigeria’s Next President — Imasuagbon

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Nigerians should look beyond ethnicity, region and the longstanding debate over rotational presidency when choosing the country’s next leader, according to a chieftain of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Kenneth Imasuagbon.

The former Edo State governorship aspirant said the priority ahead of the 2027 election should be finding a president with the ability to confront Nigeria’s economic, security and infrastructure challenges.

Speaking to journalists in Benin, Imasuagbon argued that presidential rotation is not a requirement of the Nigerian Constitution and should therefore not outweigh the question of competence.

He said voters should be more concerned about replacing poor schools with better ones, improving healthcare and addressing hardship than debating where the next president comes from.

Imasuagbon specifically appealed to voters in the South to support former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who is contesting the 2027 presidency on the ADC platform.

According to him, Atiku has demonstrated the experience and determination needed to improve the country, describing the former vice president as someone capable of promoting national unity and fairness.

He also accused the Bola Tinubu administration of worsening economic pressure through policies including the removal of fuel subsidy, while expressing concern about the condition of roads, electricity and other infrastructure.

Imasuagbon argued that the next administration must focus on practical improvements in areas such as power, transportation, employment, security and public services.

The ADC chieftain also dismissed the idea that the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) would automatically benefit from its incumbency advantage in 2027.

He maintained that the electorate ultimately determines the outcome of an election, arguing that voters could change the political direction of the country if they were determined to do so.

Imasuagbon further criticised what he described as regional and ethnic considerations in the distribution of political appointments and opportunities, insisting that the next president should give Nigerians across different parts of the country a sense of belonging.

His comments come as political parties and their candidates intensify preparations for the 2027 presidential election.

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Lesson from Dotun Oladipo’s Brave Daughters, by Bamidele Johnson

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Lesson from Dotun Oladipo’s Brave Daughters, by Bamidele Johnson

 

I hope to grow old. I want to see my kids become real adults, find their own feet, make mistakes, recover from them, and perhaps one day complain that their own children are giving them grey hairs. I want that plainly stated before anything else, as everything that follows might read as a man agreeing to an early exit rather than a man simply being honest about the odds.

I want the decades. I want to become the grandfather who repeats the same stories until nobody bothers correcting him anymore. But wanting a thing and being granted are different things. The last year has made that difference harder to ignore than I would like. I have lost many friends recently to keep thinking that optimism is my natural resting state. Some of these men had better blood pressure than mine, better habits, better everything that is supposed to count. It did not save them.

There is no formula I know that reliably separates the men who make it to 70 from those who do not. Anyone who says he knows one is selling something. So, I do not assume that old age is an already booked destination. Even if I once did, which I doubt, the last three years have cured me of such an illusion. As such, I treat it as a hope rather than an expectation, and I have found that a more honest way to live.

It is exactly why I want something placed on record now, while I am still able to place things on record, rather than leave it for people to guess what my wishes were in the fog of a funeral week. If I do not make old bones, my children are not to be asked to read tributes at my funeral. Not one line, however short, however lovingly written.

This, for me, was settled today rather than re-opened. At Dotun Oladipo’s funeral service, his three daughters took turns to read their tributes to their dad, and I found myself watching them with awe. There was a kind of strength in them that I do not possess. It is the strength needed to stand in front of a hall brimming with grieving adults and speak about a man they have just lost. Forever. Strength, however, is not the same as ease. I could see plainly what that strength was costing them as they read. Their voices caught. Their composure held and then did not hold and then held again through sheer will.

In front of them, in the pews, men and women considerably older than them came undone in ways the girls themselves were somehow managing to resist. I went mightily close. Some of the sobbing was quiet, the type people try to fold into a handkerchief. Some of it was not quiet at all, the kind that announces itself whether or not you want it.

Those young women honoured their father with a grace that is beyond me. What they did was astonishing. So, what I am attempting is an observation of a custom I have now watched wound people. This was not the first time I had watched this particular ritual extract more than it should from people already running on fumes. I saw an earlier and harder version of it at a friend’s wake back in 2015.

The first son was called forward to read his father’s tribute, and he could not do it. He tried, but the words would not come, and he stood there in front of a crowd of mourners, with his grief simply refusing to organise itself into sentences. The officiating minister, rather than releasing him from the task, urged him to continue. I sat fizzing with sorrow and ire. He could not go on and, eventually, the minister accepted, but not before insisting a while longer than it should have reasonably taken. His younger brother was called up next, presumably on the theory that if one grieving son could not manage it, maybe another one could. He flunked it in the same way. Grief does not distribute itself more conveniently among siblings just because a programme has been printed and needs to be followed.

I have turned that memory over many times since, trying to work out why this part of the rites is treated as mandatory in the first place. I have not found a satisfying answer. Maybe it comes from a belief that a child’s words carry more weight than anyone else’s, which may even be true, but weight is exactly the problem when those carrying it are struggling to hold themselves together with nothing but adrenaline and the fear of dissolving in public.

Maybe it is simply inertia, the reason we still do a hundred things at funerals that nobody can explain the original purpose of. Either way, I have stopped looking for the justification. I no longer think one exists that is good enough to weigh against what I watched happen to that boy in 2015.

So, let this stand as my instruction rather than my preference, the kind of thing I would rather state plainly now than leave for my children to infer later from how uncertain I sound when the subject comes up in passing. If I do not get the old age I am hoping for, my children will not be asked to read a single word over my body. Someone else can speak for me. A friend, a stranger with a steadier voice and a smaller stake in the loss, anyone whose grief will not be quite so total that standing upright becomes almost impossible.

My children, of course, will sit in front and fall apart if that is what the day requires of them, but without the microphone. That, at least, is one small mercy I intend to arrange for them while I am still here to arrange it.

Dotun deserved every bit of the send-off his daughters gave him today, and I suspect he would have been the first to tell them to sit down and let someone else carry the weight for a while. He did not get a say in that, as none of us ever do once we are the ones being spoken of rather than the ones speaking. Rest well, Dotun. You raised three young women whose strength I will not soon forget. That alone says everything worth saying about the man you were.

 

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‘Tinubu Will Win Again in 2027’ — Charismatic Bishops’ Secretary

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‘Tinubu Will Win Again in 2027’ — Charismatic Bishops’ Secretary

A senior Nigerian cleric, Archbishop Chivir Chianson, has declared that President Bola Tinubu will retain the presidency after the 2027 general election, attributing the prediction to a message he said came from God.

Chianson, who serves as Secretary General of the Charismatic Bishops’ Conference of Nigeria, made the statement while appearing on Arise Television on Saturday.

Rather than basing his prediction on political calculations, the archbishop said his confidence came from what he described as the prophetic role of bishops.

He maintained that the conference had previously spoken about Tinubu’s political future based on what he said was divine revelation and that the President would return for another term.

Chianson also predicted that Tinubu’s performance would improve if he wins the 2027 election.

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Addressing the political opposition, the cleric said the bishops could not be blamed if rival parties failed to unite or organise themselves effectively ahead of the election.

He also sought to clarify the position of the bishops when dealing with government, saying their role in speaking truth to power did not mean they should approach political leaders with hostility or disrespect.

According to him, the Constitution, alongside their religious convictions, should guide how they engage the President and the country.

Chianson said he was sufficiently confident in his prediction to promise that he would return to the Arise TV studio after the 2027 election, when he expects the result to demonstrate that the bishops’ prophecy was correct.

His comments add a religious dimension to the increasingly active political conversation surrounding the 2027 presidential race.

‘Tinubu Will Win Again in 2027’ — Charismatic Bishops’ Secretary

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