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IBB reveals why Nigeria suffered 5 military coups

Published

2 years ago

February 25, 2025

General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida

IBB reveals why Nigeria suffered 5 military coups

FORMER Military President, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, IBB (retd), has justified military incursions into governance in Nigeria.

IBB, who explained why the country had five coups between 1966 and 1985, added that military governments had more development projects than civilian governments.

In extracts from Part Three, Chapter Five, pages 104 to 115 of his controversial Autobiography: ‘A Journey in Service’, launched last Thursday, he highlighted the motivations behind military interventions, the historical context of coups in Nigeria and Africa, the structural reforms initiated by military leaders, and the on-going challenge of ensuring responsible governance.
He wrote:

When I started working on this autobiography a few years ago, I knew that, as someone who had participated in military coups, I would, at some point, need to reiterate my position on the problematic issue of military interventions in politics.

Anyone, who reads descriptions of me, particularly in foreign publications, as a ‘serial coup plotter’, or as ‘the moving spirit behind most military plots in Nigeria’, would think that my 35-year military career was devoted entirely to coup plotting!

One foreign journalist, Karl Maier, whom I readily obliged with an interview, ‘returned’ the favour in his book: ‘This House Has Fallen’, by claiming that ‘coups seem to run in my blood’!

He was not the only one with that mindset. In its reporting of the coup that brought me to office as head of the government, one international news magazine headlined its story: ‘The Triumph of the Trouble-maker’! I will not bother responding to the discriminatory implications that I did no more than plot coups as a soldier.

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This volume bears testimony to the modest contributions of a soldier who stood up to play the role assigned to him by destiny at a notably peculiar moment in his country’s history. And as I will show in subsequent chapters of this book, it’s a role (my mistakes and shortcomings, notwithstanding) that I look back upon with pride.

Resurging coups in Africa

When I started writing this book, I had also hoped that I could say that coup d’etats in Africa are now a thing of the past. But, thirty years after I left office, sadly, seven African countries, from across the Sahel to Sudan, are under military rule.

First, let me restate my position on the matter. Military coup d’etats, that is, overthrowing an incumbent government, whether as redemptive or corrective measures, are an aberration and should never be encouraged. Indeed, coups in the context of a democracy such as ours are not just unacceptable; they are illegal.

Appropriate sections of the Nigerian constitution insist that ‘Nigeria shall not be governed, nor shall any persons or group of persons take control of the Government of Nigeria or any part thereof, except in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution’. So, the question should be this: if these are the provisions of our constitution, how did we end up with five military coups since 1960, the last of them being the 1993 Abacha coup?

Why we had coups in Nigeria

To put these in perspective, we would have to go back to our history as a nation and the challenges that have defined and shaped our collective existence.

But first, the larger picture. Military takeovers are not peculiar to Africa or isolated to Nigeria. The history of post-colonial Africa shows that where civilian leadership and the political class have failed to live up to their billings and progressively build upon the legacy of the colonialists, the military attempted to step in. In some cases, these interventions have been nothing short of revolutionary…

The point to note here, of course, was that the sordid failure of a particular ruling class created the need for an inevitable change. A pattern where the political class virtually abdicates its responsibility to the governed typically created the conditions that led to several military interventions in post-colonial Africa. Also, certain coups, given the peculiar political and socio-economic circumstances, are genuinely revolutionary, especially where the masses support the coup and where the coup-makers, beyond their own rhetoric, embody the people’s hopes and aspirations.

But the risks were always there because, to go back to Colonel Ibrahim Taiwo, whom I referred to earlier, a ‘good’ coup is only a successful coup, and a failed coup is a mutiny and high treason! Again, before I am misunderstood, let me reiterate my position: I do not suggest that military interventions, which can be undue interferences in the politics of a country, are replacements for incumbent governments. Nor do I imply that the military is the guarantor of good behaviour; far from it. All that I suggest is that coups don’t just happen.

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They are sometimes inspired by extraneous conditions that demand interventions. Generally, the abject failure of civilian governments is the cause of coups. Therefore, a fairer assessment of why the armed forces seized power was not to be found in their success or failure to deliver once they took over but in the various factors and events preceding the intervention. Our example at home in Nigeria bears me out.

Without necessarily justifying the actions of the young majors of the 1966 coup, it’s possible to argue that the conditions that the young majors were compelled to face, even without sometimes asking for it, drove their actions. And to understand how and why a group of young, idealistic and a political UK-trained army majors violently overthrew an elected civilian government of Sir Balewa, it would be proper to examine the circumstances that led to the 1966 coup briefly.

Meddling of politicians

The first of the many problems of those years was the unwise meddling of politicians in Army affairs. As the powers of the Balewa government were weakened by crises like the Tiv riots and Western Nigeria’s Operation wetie, it relied on the military to quell what were essentially ‘political’ unrests.

Almost as if hamstringing their powers, the politicians looked up to soldiers to restore some control in ways that may have unwittingly politicised and radicalised the young officers.

One should also remember that these were highly skilled young officers who, by the nature of their orientation, were nationalistic by training and idealistic by inclination. For instance, no one remembers now that Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, who led the 1966 coup, was the first Nigerian officer to be trained in military intelligence and who served as the military intelligence officer during Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s treason trial.

In that capacity, he would have had unrestricted access to some of the most vulnerable information of the rot of the civilian administration. Obviously, many of the young officers were conversant with information that would have infuriated them, such as the flaunting of wealth and squalid crookedness displayed by politicians.

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When Chief K. O. Mbadiwe moved into his landmark castle at his home in Arondizuogu, ‘the Palace of the People’, opened by Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, and the press complained about its extravagance, Mbadiwe told the public off by jocularly reminding everyone that his new home was indeed for the people! First Republic Finance Minister, Chief Festus Samuel Okotie-Eboh, was also in the eye of the storm. One unforgiving retired colonial officer, Harold Smith, described ‘festering Sam’ in unprintable words and ended up designating him as ‘synonymous with corruption in Lagos’!

First Republic mistakes

There’s no question at all that the politicians of the First Republic made many mistakes, traceable, presumably, to some of the defective institutional structures they inherited and the poor choices they were forced to make. However, it can also be argued that Indian political leadership inherited similar structures at independence in 1947 but managed to create complex but different choices that led the country along a different path.

Several studies have shown that some of the fundamental issues that have continued to plague us to this day as a nation, as, for instance, the mindless interplay of ethnicism and religious identities, can be traced to the First Republic. As the situation in the country deteriorated in the days leading up to January 1966, many of the young majors came under the influence of radical southern intellectuals, particularly at the University of Ibadan, who were openly calling on the military to save the country from disintegration.

In some cases, the call for intervention resonated with incitement and even instigation. In other cases, politicians secretly called upon the military to intervene. This enthusiasm for change partly explains why, when the young majors, driven, as I have said earlier, by a genuine patriotic desire to correct the political mess in which the country had found itself and decided to overthrow the civilian Balewa government, there was an initial sense of national relief before the situation was mishandled.

Surprisingly, with the possible exception of the Abacha coup of November 1993, each of these military takeovers was welcomed with jubilation and relish and subsequently legitimised by public opinion in ways that would have impacted the psyche of the military. And this brings me back to my earlier point: coups don’t just happen. The failure of civilian governments is the cause of coups. They derive from deplorable conditions created by a political leadership that abdicates its responsibility to the people. Conversely, the best antidote to coups is sound, transparent civilian governance that constantly reminds itself that governance’s prime purpose is the people’s welfare. Curiously, in witnessing the jubilation that accompanied military takeovers, I took away a few lessons (a subject to which I shall return later) from the hypocrisy of the political elite that recurred throughout my career.

Some of the most vociferous opponents of military rule were those who first stepped forward to request and lobby for benefits from the system after successful military takeovers. In other cases, some of the same members of the elite class who secretly advised on the extension of military rule were the same to accuse the military of a ‘hidden agenda’ to perpetuate itself in office!

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Between these groups were genuinely patriotic Nigerians who offered their services, sometimes in return for nothing save for helping to grow and develop the country. For the umpteenth time, let me repeat: the days of military rule in Nigeria are over. Neither do I suggest that the military doesn’t have its share of blame for how we got to where we are today as a nation. But to indicate beyond that that military intervention was irredeemably disastrous is grossly unfair.

Those who are quick to accuse the Nigerian military of being no more than spoilt brats who merely fought to perpetuate themselves in power must never forget that as trained military officers, we, too, invested our lifetime, our youths, hopes, dreams and energy in the promise of a great country. For instance, the one thing that has hardly been adequately recognised in our history is the gallant peace-keeping roles of the Nigerian military worldwide…..

But, even if we ignore these roles and concentrate solely on military interventions in government, the Nigerian military has much to be proud of. Indeed, in certain respects, military leadership did more than the political class in the growth and development of our country. For instance, the military did creditably well in confronting the fundamental reform matters that have plagued us since 1960.

The military’s attempt to resolve the issues of the structural balancing of our polity, the choices between a federal, unitary or even a confederal structure, and the problems of creating states deserve to be recalled. And as I stated earlier, it should never be forgotten that General Ironsi’s attempt at a unitary government, self-delusionary as it may have seemed at the time, was an attempt to address this structural challenge. Similarly, the still-born 1967 Aburi Accord was an attempt to redress the challenges of (to use a more politically correct word) restructuring!

Although Aburi failed, among other things, for reasons that had to do with the absence of legal experts and the shortness of the available two days to thrash out the complex problems of national balancing at a difficult time in the country’s history, General Gowon made up for it by creating, as I stated above, on May 5, 1967, 12 new states that assuaged some of the anger of the moment.

Then, as if to consolidate on the gains of that momentous event of the creation of states and further unify the country after the successful execution of the Civil War, General Gowon initiated, again, as I stated above, the National Youth Service Corps Scheme on May 22, 1973, to foster, in his own words, ‘unity and peaceful coexistence of Nigeria at a period when the country was just recovering and at a low ebb’.

…The cumulative strides of those years were genuinely noteworthy, that is, the Gowon years through the Muhammed-Obasanjo administrations, the creation of states and the corresponding stabilisation of the polity, the monumental infrastructural developments that opened up the country, and the full implications of the free educational programme. While it’s difficult to fully assess their impact on the socio-economic growth and development of the country, it is sufficient merely to state that those measures were not only inspiring, but they laid the foundation for succeeding governments, civilian and military, for many years after.

IBB reveals why Nigeria suffered 5 military coups

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Nigeria Wins $3.38bn Mambilla Arbitration Battle As ICC Rejects Sunrise Claims

Published

4 hours ago

September 18, 2026

Trends Admin

Nigeria Wins $3.38bn Mambilla Arbitration Battle As ICC Rejects Sunrise Claims

Nigeria has won a major international arbitration battle over the long-delayed Mambilla Hydroelectric Power Project, after an International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) tribunal in Paris rejected claims by Sunrise Power and Transmission Company Limited that had put the country’s potential financial exposure at more than $3.38 billion.

The ruling, issued on September 17, 2026, is a significant development for the proposed 1,500MW Mambilla power project in Taraba State, which has been stalled for years by a combination of legal, contractual, financing and implementation challenges.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu welcomed the decision, describing it as the removal of what he called the biggest legal obstacle to the project’s progress.

The dispute dates back to a 2003 agreement concerning the development of the Mambilla project. Sunrise Power subsequently commenced arbitration proceedings against Nigeria at the ICC in October 2017, initially seeking about $2.35 billion over an alleged breach of contract.

The parties later entered into a settlement agreement in 2020 under which Nigeria was to pay Sunrise $200 million. A subsequent disagreement over the implementation of that agreement led to another arbitration.

In the latest proceedings, Sunrise sought about $680 million, including the settlement sum and interest. A separate claim connected to disputes over the development of the Mambilla project was valued at more than $2.7 billion in compensation and interest.

Together, the related claims created potential exposure of more than $3.38 billion for Nigeria.

The ICC tribunal rejected Sunrise’s claim that Nigeria had breached its obligations under the settlement agreement and its addendum. It also dismissed the company’s request for Nigeria to pay $400 million, comprising the $200 million settlement sum and an additional $200 million claimed as a default payment.

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The tribunal further held that Leno Adesanya, the promoter of Sunrise Power, was bound by the arbitration agreement under the settlement arrangement. It also confirmed its jurisdiction over Nigeria’s counterclaim against Adesanya and his firm.

Rather than ordering Nigeria to pay the amounts sought by Sunrise, the tribunal directed Sunrise and Adesanya to reimburse Nigeria for 75 per cent of its legal fees and expenses incurred in the arbitration.

The legal costs were assessed at approximately $11.82 million. About $2.5 million is expected to be recovered from funds held in escrow by the ICC, while Sunrise and Adesanya are required to pay the remaining $9.32 million, with interest at 10 per cent annually, compounded annually, from notification of the final award until payment.

The tribunal also fixed the arbitration costs at approximately $1.66 million, with Sunrise and Adesanya responsible for 75 per cent and Nigeria responsible for the remaining 25 per cent.

The three-member tribunal was chaired by Melaine van Leeuwen, with Stavros Brekoulakis and Simon Nesbitt serving as co-arbitrators. Nigeria’s external legal team was led by Elizabeth Oger-Gross and Tolu Obamuroh of Paul Hastings LLP.

The outcome ends a major phase of a dispute that has followed the Mambilla power project for nearly a decade in international arbitration and more than two decades from the original project agreement.

The original proposal envisaged a 3,050MW hydroelectric plant in Taraba State under a build-operate-transfer arrangement. The project was subsequently revised as the government sought to reduce its cost and improve its prospects of attracting financing.

In 2021, the Federal Government announced that the planned capacity would be reduced by about half, from 3,050MW to approximately 1,525MW. The scheme was subsequently rescoped to around 1,500MW to make it more financially viable and “bankable” for lenders.

The original project had been associated with an estimated cost of roughly $5 billion to $5.8 billion, while the rescoped project has been put at around $4 billion in previous government discussions.

The prolonged delay has meant that the Mambilla scheme has yet to become an operational source of electricity despite its potential to significantly increase Nigeria’s generation capacity.

President Tinubu, in his reaction to the ICC ruling, commended Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi, officials of the Federal Ministry of Justice and Nigeria’s external legal team for their role in defending the country.

He also acknowledged former President Olusegun Obasanjo and the late former President Muhammadu Buhari, who testified during the arbitration proceedings, as well as former Ministers of Power Babatunde Fashola and Suleiman Adamu and other witnesses and experts.

Tinubu also credited the National Security Adviser and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) for their roles in the broader matter.

The President said Nigeria remained committed to working with genuine investors and honouring its legal obligations while defending the country against claims it considers detrimental to the national interest.

The original 2003 contract has also been the subject of separate domestic legal proceedings and investigations. Tinubu said the contract was not authorised by the Federal Executive Council (FEC). Those domestic proceedings are distinct from the ICC arbitration, which has now been decided in Nigeria’s favour.

The arbitration victory, however, does not mean that the 1,500MW Mambilla project is immediately ready for construction or electricity generation.

The government still has to address major issues involving project financing, construction, engineering, transmission infrastructure and implementation arrangements. Previous plans have included financing discussions involving the Export-Import Bank of China, while the project’s restructuring was intended to improve its bankability.

With the arbitration dispute now resolved, the focus shifts to securing the funding and completing the arrangements required to move the Mambilla project from a long-delayed proposal to actual construction and, ultimately, electricity generation.

Nigeria Wins $3.38bn Mambilla Arbitration Battle As ICC Rejects Sunrise Claims

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FG Suspends Niger NSCDC Commandant As 37 Suspected Illegal Miners Die In Custody

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4 hours ago

September 18, 2026

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Commandant General of the NSCDC, Professor Ahmed Abubakar Audi

FG Suspends Niger NSCDC Commandant As 37 Suspected Illegal Miners Die In Custody

The Federal Government has suspended the Niger State Commandant of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), Suberu Siyaka Aniviye, following the deaths of 37 suspected illegal miners in the Corps’ custody in Minna, Niger State.

The suspension was ordered by the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, on Friday, September 18, 2026, alongside a directive for a full investigation into the circumstances surrounding the deaths.

The incident occurred after the NSCDC carried out enforcement operations against suspected illegal mining activities in parts of Niger State on September 15 and 16. The operation reportedly focused on the M.I. Wushishi and Lukoto areas of Minna, where scores of suspects were arrested and various exhibits recovered.

The deaths were discovered in the early hours of Thursday, September 17, after the suspects had been taken into custody.

The Niger State NSCDC initially attributed the deaths to a suspected disease outbreak, but the Corps’ national headquarters subsequently cautioned against drawing conclusions about the cause of death before medical and laboratory examinations were completed.

The NSCDC said the bodies had been deposited at the General Hospital, Minna, for medical examination to establish the actual cause of death.

Although early reports put the death toll at 33, Niger State Governor Mohammed Umaru Bago confirmed that 37 suspected illegal miners had died in custody.

The differing figures reported in the immediate aftermath underscore the importance of the ongoing investigation and medical examination in establishing the definitive number of victims and the circumstances of each death.

Following the incident, NSCDC Commandant-General Ahmed Abubakar Audi ordered the constitution of a high-powered investigative team headed by the Deputy Commandant-General in charge of Intelligence and Investigation.

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The team is expected to investigate the condition of the suspects when they were arrested, the period they spent in custody, the conditions of their detention, the medical attention provided to them and other circumstances that may have contributed to the deaths.

The NSCDC also directed that the health and welfare of all persons still in its custody be given priority, while appropriate measures are taken to protect personnel who may have had contact with the affected detainees.

The Corps said it would refrain from speculating about the cause of the deaths until the outcome of the medical examination is available. It stressed that reports linking the deaths to a particular disease had not been medically or scientifically established.

Meanwhile, police authorities in Niger State have opened a separate investigation into the deaths.

The development has also raised questions about the conditions in which the suspects were detained.

A survivor, Dauda Shehu, reportedly said about 65 detainees were held in an overcrowded and poorly ventilated cell. He said some detainees struggled to breathe and banged on the cell door in an attempt to attract the attention of security personnel.

A preliminary intelligence account also suggested that overcrowding and poor ventilation may have contributed to the deaths. However, these remain preliminary accounts and have not been established as the official cause of death.

The official explanation that a possible disease outbreak was involved has also come under scrutiny, with authorities stressing that only medical and laboratory examinations can determine whether disease played any role.

Governor Bago has described the incident as tragic and declared three days of mourning in honour of the deceased.

The Niger State Government also postponed an APC campaign rally scheduled for September 19 in Minna following the deaths.

The Federal Government’s decision to suspend the Niger State NSCDC commandant came a day after the Corps announced its internal investigation.

Tunji-Ojo said the commandant would remain suspended while the investigation continued, stressing that the government had a responsibility to protect lives.

The minister also appealed for calm and urged members of the public to remain law-abiding while the investigation is conducted. He expressed condolences to Governor Bago and the families and relatives of the deceased.

The incident has brought renewed attention to the risks associated with illegal mining in Niger State, where artisanal and small-scale mining activities remain widespread.

Niger State is rich in mineral resources and attracts artisanal miners, particularly those involved in gold mining. Authorities have intensified operations against illegal mining because of concerns over environmental damage, unsafe mining practices and links between illicit mining and criminal networks in parts of the country.

However, the immediate focus of the investigations is the deaths in custody and the treatment of the detainees between their arrest and the discovery of their bodies.

The key issues expected to be addressed include the exact number of people who died, their physical condition at the time of arrest, the number of detainees held at the facility, the adequacy of ventilation and other detention conditions, access to medical care, the timeline of events and the precise medical cause of death.

The NSCDC investigation, the police inquiry and the medical examinations are expected to provide a clearer account of what happened and whether any failures occurred in the handling or detention of the suspects.

Until those investigations are concluded, authorities have not established an official cause of death beyond confirming that the detainees died while in NSCDC custody.

FG Suspends Niger NSCDC Commandant As 37 Suspected Illegal Miners Die In Custody

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South African Woman Jailed 25 Years for Smuggling 5.75kg Heroin into Nigeria

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21 hours ago

September 17, 2026

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Will Jessica Ann

South African Woman Jailed 25 Years for Smuggling 5.75kg Heroin into Nigeria

A Federal High Court in Abuja has sentenced a 38-year-old South African woman, Will Jessica Ann, to 25 years in prison for importing 5.75 kilogrammes of heroin into Nigeria through the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja.

Justice Obiora Egwuatu handed down the sentence after Ann pleaded guilty to charges brought against her by the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA).

The defendant was sentenced to 15 years on the first count and 25 years on the second count, with both terms ordered to run concurrently. This means she will serve a maximum of 25 years, rather than 40 years.

The case dates back to July 6, 2026, when NDLEA operatives intercepted Ann during the inward clearance of passengers arriving on Qatar Airways Flight QR1433 from Doha at the Abuja airport.

Ann was travelling with her three-year-old son when she was stopped by anti-narcotics officers.

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According to details presented in court, the NDLEA said Ann initially denied having any checked-in luggage. However, operatives reportedly established that two suitcases containing the illicit substance carried baggage tags corresponding with the claim tags attached to her passport.

The agency said the two suitcases contained 14 large blocks of heroin, weighing a total of 5.75kg.

Ann reportedly admitted ownership of the luggage and told investigators that she had travelled from Cambodia through Doha before arriving in Abuja.

During the proceedings, the prosecution also told the court that Ann had admitted to conspiring with Jan Coenraad De Jager, a South African man who remains at large.

She was subsequently arraigned on a two-count charge bordering on conspiracy and unlawful importation of heroin under the relevant provisions of the law.

Ann pleaded guilty to the charges in August, prompting the prosecution to present the facts of the case before the court proceeded to sentencing.

The court was told that the seized heroin had an estimated street value of about ₦103.5 million, based on an estimated value of approximately ₦18 million per kilogramme.

Ann pleaded for leniency, expressed remorse and promised not to engage in drug trafficking again. She also told the court that she did not know there were illicit drugs in the bags.

After considering the facts of the case, Justice Egwuatu sentenced her to 15 years on Count One and 25 years on Count Two, directing that the sentences run concurrently.

The court also ordered that the seized heroin should be destroyed if the convict does not appeal within the period prescribed by law.

The case is part of the NDLEA‘s efforts to intercept illicit drug consignments being brought into Nigeria through international airports and other entry points.

The seizure at Abuja airport, followed by the defendant’s guilty plea and conviction, has resulted in the 25-year custodial sentence imposed by the Federal High Court.