Pandora Papers: How Governor Bagudu allegedly stole billions, stash in foreign accounts - Newstrends
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Pandora Papers: How Governor Bagudu allegedly stole billions, stash in foreign accounts

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Eleven years ago, Abubakar Bagudu, the current governor of Kebbi State, but then a senator, dispatched a delegation to Singapore in search of a new haven to shelter his controversial wealth, which is a target of ongoing forfeiture proceedings by the United States Department of Justice.

Investigators say the huge funds, warehoused offshore, is part of billions of dollars Bagudu helped the Sani Abacha family to steal from Nigeria in the 1990s.

Referred by Farrer and Co., a prestigious centuries-old London law firm that has represented the British royal family, Bagudu’s choice of secrecy provider in Singapore was Asiaciti Trust, an entity notorious for helping clients hide behind opaque offshore trusts to launder dirty money across borders.

The Monetary Authority of Singapore, MAS, imposed a fine of one million and a hundred thousand dollars on Asiaciti in July 2020 for “serious breaches” of Anti-Money Laundering and Countering Financing of Terrorism (AML/CFT) regulations between 2007 and 2018.

When on February 23, 2010, Bagudu’s delegation – comprising his brother, Ibrahim Bagudu, and London lawyer, Ben Davies, from Byrne and Partners, now a part of PCB Byrne – met with Asiaciti’s officials, they registered his preference for a new structure of secrecy to oil the flow of his dirty wealth for the benefits of himself and his family.

In 1997, some 13 years earlier, Bagudu had structured offshore holdings Ridley Trust and Ridley Group in notorious tax and secrecy havens, Guernsey and the British Virgin Islands, positioning himself as the unseen but ultimate beneficiary. But in 2010, he wanted to terminate the Ridley structure and transfer his assets into another structure, hence the need for Asiaciti’s service in Singapore.

The reason, according to a 2010 Asiaciti memo, was control. As noted in the memo, Ibrahim told the February 2010 meeting that his brother, Mr Bagudu – “the client” – had become “disillusioned” with institutional and independent trustees (of the Ridley Trust) as they (he and his brother) had no control over their action or inaction and suggested they feared they could lose the hidden assets.

He then insisted that any new trustee arrangements to be erected in Singapore “must ensure that the family cannot lose ‘control’ of the assets.”

In the months that followed, 99 million euros in cash and securities was then transferred from Ridley to a new structure enabled by Asiaciti, which brushed aside red flags about Mr Bagudu’s controversial background and source of his wealth. Asiaciti acted with advice from Farrer and Co. and Byrne and Partners, now a part of PCB Byrne, documents showed.

Bagudu is long known to have played an instrumental role in the Abacha conspiracy to steal and launder billions of dollars belonging to Nigeria. But how he set up complicated structures of secrecy to hide stolen money as well as the role of his enablers, including prestigious British law firms and Serious Organised Crimes Agency (SOCA) the predecessor of the National Crimes Agency (NCA), has never been crystal clear.

Pandora Papers investigation – led by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, including more than 600 journalists, including some from PREMIUM TIMES, and about 150 news organisations around the world – uncovered financial secrets, including those of politicians, former and serving public officials, including known and suspected kleptocrats such as Bagudu. Involving 11.9 million leaked records, which journalists sifted through for two years, the Pandora Papers project is the biggest collaborative transnational investigation in the history of journalism.

The leaked records came from 14 offshore services firms from around the world who help clients set up shell companies and design opaque structures to conceal their financial dealings.

The Bagudu Blue structure

As documents showed, Asiaciti helped Mr Bagudu to set up a multi-layered structure with footprints in at least three countries, namely Singapore, Cook Islands, and the United Kingdom. At the head of the structure is Blue Holdings Trust, registered in Cooks Island as a “purpose trust” to “wholly” own a Singapore-incorporated private trust company, Blue PTC Pte Ltd., with Mr Bagudu’s brother, Ibrahim, and an Asiaciti nominee as directors.

The Blue PTC Pte Ltd is in turn the trustee of two family trusts – Blue Family Trust (1) and Blue Family Trust (2). Under each trust, then, is a Singapore family-owned investment holding company, FHIC, Blue Holdings (1) Pte Limited, and Blue Holdings (2) Pte Limited, respectively.

Each of the FHIC has an investment account with Waverton Investment Management, formerly JO Hambro Investment Management, and James Hambro and Partners, both London-based firms. Assets kept with the two firms are now frozen, according to U.S. court documents. America has been at the forefront of helping Nigeria recover the Abacha loot, saying that hundreds of millions of dollars stolen were laundered through banks under its jurisdiction.

The beneficiaries of each of the family trusts and the corresponding investments domiciled in London were Bagudu, his wife, seven children, and his brother, Ibrahim.

In September 2010, according to minutes of some meetings we reviewed, a sum of 99 million euros was moved from Ridley through the Blue PTC in Singapore to the investment accounts in London and distributed as follows:

Blue Holdings (1) (17,007,016 euros): Waverton – seven million euros; James Hambro – 10,007,016 euros.

Blue Holdings (2) (81,841,163 euros): Waverton – 23 million euros; James Hambro – 58,841,163 euros.

Source of funds: Bagudu and the Abacha plunder machine

The systematic plunder of Nigeria by the Abacha family as well as the worldwide hunt for the stolen funds, worth billions of dollars, is reckoned to be one of the worst cases of kleptocracy and offshore shenanigans in the world.

Between 1998, when Mr Abacha suddenly died, and 2020, 3.6 billion U.S. dollars have been recovered from the Abacha family and their most prolific bagman, Bagudu, now a governor in Nigeria’s impoverished Kebbi State.

 

The 163 million U.S. dollars recovery from Jersey in 2003 directly involved Mr Bagudu, who then negotiated a deal with the U.S. and Jersey to return the funds to Nigeria in exchange for Jersey’s withdrawal of an extradition request and his free return to Nigeria. He spent six months in American federal prison in Houston while awaiting extradition to Jersey. The deal to return the $163 million was to avoid that extradition.

 

Also, the latest recovery – 308 million U.S. dollars from Jersey in 2020 – was laundered by Mr Bagudu.

 

Mr Bagudu was involved with all the offshore front companies and bank accounts – from the British Virgin Islands to Ireland, Switzerland, England, Guernsey, and Jersey – used to steal and launder billions of dollars belonging to Nigeria under the Abacha regime as a director, signatory on accounts or prime beneficiary, according to U.S. court documents and incorporation filings from the Pandora Papers leaks.

 

In stealing the funds, Mr Abacha set up what Africa Confidential described as a “Plunder Machine,” involving his family, officials, and associates such as Mr Bagudu, complemented by established western and local banks and offshore enablers.

In pushing for the forfeiture of stolen funds laundered through the U.S., American investigators said the criminal network used fraudulent schemes to make dirty money, according to court documents.

One was “security vote fraud,” whereby Mr Abacha and his National Security Adviser Ismaila Gwarzo and others were said to have stolen more than two billion U.S. dollars by “fraudulently and falsely representing that the funds were to be used for national security purposes.” Between 1994 and 1998, they were said to have made over 60 false claims of “security emergencies” to withdraw huge funds from the Central Bank of Nigeria, then headed by Paul Ogumah.

“Rather than use the funds for national security purposes, the stolen money was transported out of Nigeria and deposited into accounts controlled by General Abacha’s associates, including Mohammed Abacha and Mr Bagudu,” the court in Washington, D.C. was told.

Other schemes were bribery and a dramatic conspiracy by Mr Abacha’s son, Mohammed, and Mr Bagudu to lend money stolen from Nigeria back to Nigeria “with zero risks and at an enormous profit” by using proceeds of the security vote fraud to purchase hundreds of millions of dollars of U.S. dollar-denominated Nigerian bonds, called Nigerian Par Bonds, NPBs.

As part of the Brady Bond programme of the 1980s, the NPBs were U.S. dollar-denominated securities whose interest payments were guaranteed by the U.S. Treasury. The Brady Bond programme was created to help developing countries – like Nigeria – holding substantial debt to restructure their debt into bonds. Nigeria first offered the NPBs in 1992.

In another scheme, the conspirators were also said to have defrauded Nigeria of more than 282 million U.S. dollars by causing the government to repurchase Nigeria’s own debt from one of their companies for more than double what Nigeria would have paid to repurchase the debt in the open market.

According to American investigators, the initial funding of Bagudu’s Ridley’s account at Credit Agricole Indosuez, London, to the tune of 90 million U.S. dollars in 1998 was from the Par bonds and the debt-buy-back fraud.

 

The Ridley assets were later transferred to the Blue structure facilitated by Asiaciti and are the outstanding defendant assets being targeted for forfeiture by the United States, court documents showed.

 

The U.S. filed its forfeiture litigation in 2014. It said, then, the assets held by the Blue holdings, traceable to the old Ridley structure, and domiciled in London investment portfolios held with Waverton and James Hambro, were last valued at a total of 96 million euros.

Bagudu’s brother, Ibrahim, continues to claim the assets, seeking to prevent their forfeiture to Nigeria, court documents showed.

In a reply to written questions by The Guardian of UK in conjunction with PREMIUM TIMES and ABC of Australia, Nicola Boulton of PCB Byrne, Mr Bagudu’s lawyers said “all monies held by the Blue Trusts are lawfully held,” citing a 2003 settlement between Mr Bagudu and the Nigerian government under then-President Olusegun Obasanjo.

 

Mr Bagudu is yet to respond to further inquiries PREMIUM TIMES sent to him three weeks ago as part of the reporting for this story.

 

Keeping the Bagudu Dirty Money Flowing – The Enablers

Barely a week after Mr Bagudu’s delegation’s initial visit to Singapore in February 2010, Asiaciti determined that he “has a somewhat controversial background,” making references to his association with the Abacha family and his involvement in “extensive litigation between 2000 and 2006, both criminal investigations and civil claims,” Asiaciti’s internal memo showed.

 

Despite this determination, as well as the awareness that Mr Bagudu’s had since 2003 admitted to financial irregularities as he agreed to return about 163 million US dollars to Nigeria to avoid extradition to Jersey from the U.S., Asiaciti accepted Mr Bagudu as a client in 2010.

 

The Monetary Authority of Singapore, MAS, slammed Asiaciti with a fine of one million and a hundred thousand dollars in 2020 for the company’s anti-money laundering and anti-terrorism financing failures between 2007 and 2018, covering the period the company helped Mr Bagudu set up the Blue structure to shelter assets said to have been made from the plunder of Nigeria.

 

“We maintain a strong compliance programme and each of our offices have passed third-party audits for Anti-Money Laundering & Counter-Financing of Terrorism practices in recent years,” Asiaciti said in a written reply to ICIJ over the Pandora Papers. “However, no compliance programme is infallible – and when an issue is identified, we take necessary steps with regard to the client engagement and make the appropriate notifications to regulatory agencies.”

In defending its role, when questioned by authorities following the unsealing of the indictment against Bagudu by the U.S. in 2014, Asiaciti said, “Farrer & Co, a prestigious London law firm, who acts for the Royal Family had accepted the explanations provided and was prepared to act for him, having strict UK CDD requirements.” This was contained in a defence Asiaciti wrote to the regulator.

 

Indeed, as documents showed, between Byrne and Farrer and Co., Asiaciti was advised that Mr Bagudu would not be a problematic client and that the funds he sought to shelter were not derived from criminal sources. That turned out to be false.

 

In an April 2010 memo to press for the acceptance of Mr Bagudu as a client, Bernard O’Sullivan of Byrne said there were no outstanding claims to Mr Bagudu’s assets and that, in 2003, Nigeria, then led by President Olusegun Obasanjo, reached a “global settlement” with Mr Bagudu.

 

The settlement Mr O’Sullivan referred to was that which was executed when Mr Bagudu agreed to return about 163 million U.S. dollars to Nigeria in 2003. Mr O’Sullivan attached a copy of an August 8, 2003, confidential statement by Mr Obasanjo to withdraw all claims from criminal and civil proceedings against Mr Bagudu.

 

This defence was restated in Byrne’s reply following Pandora Papers reporting. “Mr Bagudu reached a compromise with the FRN (Nigeria) in 2003 by which all claims against him and his family were ended and the FRN received cash and certain rights,” Byrne’s Mr Boulton said.

Obasanjo, who entered the settlement agreement with Mr Bagudu, could not be reached to comment for this story as he was said to be travelling in Ethiopia. But sources close to him said it was a “pragmatic step” by the administration that was then desperate to recover stolen funds and that believed Mr Bagudu could help disclose where the funds were stashed. In return, Mr Obasanjo then signed the settlement ending all claims, globally, against Mr Bagudu.

Boulton said Bagudu helped Nigeria recover at least one billion dollars following Abacha’s death.

As documents suggest, between the time the Blue structure was created in 2010 and when its assets were frozen in 2014, 4.6 million dollars or $6.8 million euros was disbursed for Mr Bagudu’s children’s education and the “generous” lifestyle his family “was accustomed to”.

The transferred sum included one hundred thousand dollars annuity to his brother Ibrahim and another three million U.S. dollars moved into Ibrahim’s bank account for “investment in real estate and property development in Abuja.”

In one case in 2013, Farrer and Co helped Bagudu ensure funds were distributed to his family and resisted Asiaciti’s “level of scrutiny”, an attempt at enhanced due diligence.

In an email, Diana Davidson of Farrer and Co. wrote that Bagudu’s brother Ibrahim was “not entirely happy at the level of scrutiny being sought at the sole discretion of Asiaciti”.

In response, an Asiaciti’s client services official said they were “in no way inferring that the distribution requests are suspicious in any way,” and reminded Ms Davidson that Mr Bagudu was a politically exposed person, PEP, thus the transfers he sought required enhanced due diligence.

A breakdown of disbursements showed that 100 thousand U.S. dollars were advised to be paid out for Bagudu’s “son’s school fees” days after Farrer and Co’s Ms Davidson helped him pressure Asiaciti.

But beyond the role played by British firms in the Bagudu shenanigans, the British public service institution was also involved, documents suggested.

In a witness statement in 2015, Asiaciti said Farrer and Co and Byrne & Partners received consent from the UK’s Serious Organised Crime Agency, SOCA, now the National Crimes Agency (NCA), to facilitate the restructuring of Mr Bagudu’s offshore holdings in 2010.

“A protective disclosure was made to SOCA in the UK and their consent was obtained to the resettlement of the Ridley Trust into the Blue Family Trusts before funds were transferred from Ridley Group Limited to Blue Holdings 1 Pte. Ltd and Blue Holdings 2 Pte. Ltd,” Asiaciti’s Karen Hanlong submitted.

Years later, the NCA started working with the U.S. to hunt the assets held by Bagudu from the Abacha plunder of Nigeria.

PREMIUM TIMES said Bagudu did not respond to inquiries sent to him over the report.

Bagudu’s lawyers respond

Responding to questions from investigators, Nicola Boulton of PCB Byrne, Mr Bagudu’s lawyers, said “all monies held by the Blue Trusts are lawfully held,” citing a 2003 settlement between Mr Bagudu and the Nigerian government under then-President Olusegun Obasanjo.

PREMIUM TIMES

 

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Rail-Port-Industry Link Critical to Cutting Logistics Costs – NRC 

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Rail-Port-Industry Link Critical to Cutting Logistics Costs – NRC 

 

The Nigerian Railway Corporation has said Nigeria must urgently integrate its rail network with seaports, inland dry ports and industrial centres to cut logistics costs, ease pressure on the highways and make the movement of goods across the country more efficient.

The NRC said a seamless connection between rail lines, ports and major production centres would strengthen the movement of agricultural produce, containers, petroleum products and other bulk cargoes, while reducing the cost and time involved in transporting goods from ports to markets and industries.

The Managing Director/Chief Executive Officer of the NRC, Dr Kayode Opeifa, stated this on Thursday in Lagos in a speech delivered on his behalf at the Transport Correspondents Association of Nigeria conference, stressing that rail, road, maritime, inland waterways and aviation must work as an integrated transportation system if Nigeria is to unlock the full economic benefits of its logistics sector.

The NRC boss also revealed that the corporation had opened the door wider for private investors to participate in the development of freight terminals, logistics hubs, rolling stock and other critical infrastructure as part of efforts to transform Nigeria’s rail system into a major engine of economic growth.

He said stronger private-sector participation was imperative because government alone could not provide the massive investment required to build an efficient and interconnected transportation system capable of lowering logistics costs and boosting economic activities.

Opeifa said Nigeria could no longer afford to develop its transportation modes in isolation, stressing the need to connect rail with seaports, inland dry ports, industrial centres and major economic corridors.

He said such integration would enable rail to play a greater role in moving bulk cargo across the country, while reducing the pressure currently placed on the highways.

According to him, rail has the capacity to move large volumes of passengers and freight over long distances and should therefore become a critical component of Nigeria’s logistics architecture.

He said, “At the Nigerian Railway Corporation, our focus is therefore not only on passenger transportation but also on strengthening freight operations and creating greater connectivity between rail lines, seaports, inland dry ports, industrial centres and major economic corridors.”

The NRC MD identified agricultural produce, petroleum products, containers and other commodities as some of the major categories of cargo that could benefit from a more efficient rail freight system.

He said an effective multimodal transportation network involving rail, road, maritime, inland waterways and aviation would reduce the cost of doing business, improve access to markets and strengthen Nigeria’s competitiveness.

Opeifa also called for a regulatory framework capable of attracting private capital into the transportation sector, particularly in rolling stock, freight terminals, logistics hubs and related infrastructure.

“The future of Nigeria’s transportation sector must also be driven by stronger partnerships. Government alone cannot provide all the infrastructure and investment required,” he said.

The NRC’s position comes amid growing concerns over the high cost of logistics and the burden placed on Nigerian businesses by inefficient movement of goods from ports to markets and production centres.

Opeifa said transportation infrastructure should be viewed not simply as public assets but as critical economic infrastructure capable of stimulating industrial production, trade and employment.

He, however, warned that vandalism and encroachment remained major threats to railway investments, stressing the need for stronger collaboration among government agencies, security organisations, host communities and passengers to protect railway tracks, bridges, signalling systems and other infrastructure.

He said the protection of rail infrastructure must become a collective responsibility if the country was to derive the full economic benefits of ongoing investments in the sector.

The NRC chief executive also stressed the need to make transportation affordable and accessible, noting that improved mobility would provide Nigerians with greater access to jobs, markets, education and economic opportunities.

Opeifa reaffirmed the NRC’s commitment to the Federal Government’s vision of developing a modern, integrated and efficient transportation system capable of supporting the country’s economic aspirations.

He commended TCAN for providing a platform for policymakers, operators, investors, professionals and the media to deliberate on the challenges and opportunities in Nigeria’s transportation sector.

He said sustained investment, innovation, collaboration and effective policy implementation remained essential to building a logistics system capable of unlocking Nigeria’s economic potential.

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FG Seeks Private Capital, States’ Support to Transform Nigeria’s Ports

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FG Seeks Private Capital, States’ Support to Transform Nigeria’s Ports

The Federal Government has called for deeper participation by the private sector and subnational governments in financing port infrastructure, operating terminals and deploying technology as part of an ambitious plan to modernise Nigeria’s seaports and cut logistics costs.

Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, Adegboyega Oyetola, made the call on Thursday at the 2026 Transport Industry Summit of the Transport Correspondents Association of Nigeria (TCAN), held at the Radisson Hotel, Ikeja, Lagos.

Oyetola represented by Mr. Paul Garnuwa, Director, Inland Transport Services, NPERA, said the Federal Government could not shoulder the entire financial and operational burden of developing the country’s maritime infrastructure, stressing that sustainable port development required stronger partnerships among the Federal Government, state governments, private investors and other stakeholders.

He said the government was therefore seeking greater private-sector participation in infrastructure financing, terminal operations, technology deployment and logistics services, while also encouraging state governments to participate in the development of new maritime gateways.

The minister disclosed that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu had approved a major modernisation programme covering Apapa and Tin Can Island ports in Lagos, Onne and Rivers ports in Rivers State, Calabar Port in Cross River and Warri Port in Delta State.

According to him, the programme will involve reconstruction of quay walls, deepening of channels to accommodate larger vessels, replacement of obsolete cargo-handling equipment and increased digitalisation of terminal and gate operations.

He said the scale of the planned intervention made private capital and institutional partnerships critical to delivering modern, efficient and commercially sustainable ports.

“Port efficiency affects the entire logistics chain. A delay at the port does not remain at the port. It affects manufacturers waiting for inputs, exporters waiting for vessels, transport operators, distributors and, ultimately, consumers,” Oyetola said.

The minister also disclosed that the Federal Government was working with state governments and private-sector investors on the development of deep seaports in Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Ogun, Ondo and Rivers states.

He said the projects would expand national port capacity, create new maritime and logistics corridors, ease pressure on existing gateways and distribute economic activities along the coastline.

Oyetola said the government was particularly interested in ensuring that states and private investors became active participants in port development rather than relying solely on federal funding.

The minister further stressed the importance of technology in transforming port operations, noting that modern logistics required electronic documentation, accurate information, data-sharing and digital systems capable of reducing unnecessary physical processes.

He said digitalisation would improve cargo visibility, make port processes more predictable and ultimately reduce the time and cost of moving goods from seaports to their final destinations.

Oyetola said recent improvements had already attracted international recognition, citing the 2025 Container Port Performance Index by the World Bank and S&P Global Market Intelligence, which ranked Tin Can Island Port 10th and Lagos Port Complex, Apapa, 12th among the world’s 20 most improved container ports between 2020 and 2025.

He also announced that the United States Coast Guard had in August 2026 removed its Conditions of Entry on vessels arriving from Nigeria after 12 years of additional security-related requirements.

According to him, the development followed sustained efforts to improve compliance with the International Ship and Port Facility Security Code, strengthen access controls and address security gaps.

Oyetola said the newly established Nigeria Ports Economic Regulatory Agency would also help create a more predictable investment environment through regulation of tariffs and charges, service standards, competition and protection of port users. The agency commenced operations in August following presidential assent to its enabling law.

He said effective regulation, security and infrastructure must work together with private investment and technology to make Nigeria’s ports more competitive.

“Our immediate priority is to ensure that the investments and institutional changes now underway translate into practical improvements: faster cargo movement, improved vessel turnaround, greater capacity, stronger security, transparent regulation and lower logistics costs,” he said.

Oyetola urged development partners, financial institutions, state governments and industry associations to support the reform programme, stressing that greater collaboration was essential if transportation logistics was to make a stronger contribution to Nigeria’s economic growth.

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Petrol Depot Prices Fall as Dangote, Marketers Cut Rates, Pump Price Reduction Looms

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Petrol Depot Prices Fall as Dangote, Marketers Cut Rates, Pump Price Reduction Looms

Petrol Depot Prices Fall as Dangote, Marketers Cut Rates, Pump Price Reduction Looms

The price of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), popularly known as petrol, has fallen across several major Nigerian depots, with the Dangote Petroleum Refinery cutting its wholesale price by N25 per litre, raising expectations that filling stations could begin reducing pump prices as they replenish their stocks.

The latest reductions were recorded in Lagos, Port Harcourt, Calabar and Warri, following a decline in international crude oil prices and renewed competition among petroleum suppliers.

Dangote Refinery reduced its petrol ex-gantry price from N1,350 to N1,325 per litre, just days after raising the price to N1,350.

The latest adjustment means the refinery has reversed part of the N85 increase introduced on September 12, when its petrol gantry price rose from N1,265 to N1,350 per litre.

Other major depot operators also reduced their prices, particularly in Lagos, where several companies cut their rates by between N20 and N24 per litre.

In Lagos, Ascon, Integrated, Pinnacle and Sahara reduced their petrol prices by N24 to between N1,326 and N1,327 per litre.

MRS reduced its price by N20 to N1,332, while Wosbab was listed at N1,330 per litre.

The reductions were also recorded outside Lagos.

In Calabar, Mainland reduced its petrol price by N7 to N1,320 per litre, while Alkanes cut its price by N2 to N1,325. Matrix retained N1,330, while Sobaz marginally increased its price by N1 to N1,328.

In Port Harcourt, Stockgap reduced its petrol price by N7 to N1,323 per litre, while Masters cut its rate by N2 to N1,328. Bulk Strategic and Sigmund were listed at N1,328, while Matrix retained N1,330.

In Warri, Keonamex reduced its price by N3 to N1,327, while Nepal and Prudent cut their rates to N1,329 and N1,328 respectively. Some operators, however, recorded marginal increases, underscoring the continuing volatility in the downstream market.

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The latest wholesale adjustments followed a decline in global crude prices, with Brent crude trading below $100 per barrel while West Texas Intermediate (WTI) also declined.

The movement is important to Nigeria’s petrol price market because international crude and refined-product prices influence the cost of locally refined products as well as imported PMS.

Brent had climbed as high as about $109 per barrel the previous week before retreating below the $100 mark, although other crude benchmarks have moved differently.

The latest decline has provided some room for refiners and marketers to review wholesale petrol prices downward, but further reductions will depend on the direction of crude prices, foreign exchange conditions and the cost of refined petroleum products.

The reduction at the depots has not, however, immediately translated into equivalent reductions at filling stations.

Petrol was still selling at between about N1,370 and N1,450 per litre in different locations, according to the latest market checks.

In Abuja, motorists and commuters complained that several filling stations had not reduced their pump prices despite the Dangote price cut.

Some stations were still selling petrol at between N1,395 and N1,450 per litre, creating a significant gap between the new Dangote depot price and some retail prices.

The delay is partly linked to the way the deregulated downstream petroleum market operates.

Retailers that purchased their existing stocks at higher prices may continue selling those products at prevailing rates until the stocks are exhausted and replaced with cheaper supplies.

Transportation, storage, logistics, station operating costs and individual marketers’ margins also influence the final pump price.

Consequently, a reduction in the ex-depot price does not automatically translate into an immediate N25 reduction at every filling station.

The latest wholesale price movement nevertheless places additional competitive pressure on retailers, particularly as more marketers begin lifting cheaper products.

It also comes as domestic refining continues to take a larger share of Nigeria’s petrol supply.

Data attributed to the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) showed that domestic refineries supplied about 76.7 per cent of Nigeria’s petrol requirement in the first quarter of 2026, while petrol imports fell by about 60 per cent year-on-year to approximately 965.5 million litres.

The figures reflect the growing importance of the Dangote Refinery and other domestic refining facilities in Nigeria’s downstream petroleum market.

However, imported petrol has not disappeared from the country’s supply chain.

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The Federal Government has approved the importation of 830,000 metric tonnes of petrol for the fourth quarter of 2026, ahead of the Christmas and New Year period when fuel demand traditionally rises.

The permits were reportedly issued to Matrix Energy, AA Rano, AYM Shafa, NIPCO, Pinnacle Oil and Bono Energy.

The latest allocation represents an increase from earlier import approvals this year and means imported PMS will remain part of Nigeria’s supply mix despite the expansion of domestic refining capacity.

The import programme has also become a point of contention between Dangote Refinery and the downstream regulator.

Dangote Refinery is challenging the continued issuance of petrol import licences by the NMDPRA, arguing that domestic refining capacity is sufficient to meet local demand.

The legal dispute is before the Federal High Court, with the matter scheduled for further hearing on October 7, 2026.

The continuing import programme, however, reflects concerns about supply security.

NMDPRA data cited in industry reports showed that domestic petrol supply declined from about 32.5 million litres per day in June to 25.8 million litres per day in July, while imports increased from approximately 18.1 million litres per day to 19.7 million litres per day during the same period.

Total daily petrol supply consequently fell from 50.6 million litres to 45.5 million litres.

The figures indicate that although domestic refineries now provide the larger share of Nigeria’s petrol, imports can still serve as a buffer when local production falls below market requirements.

Another factor affecting the competitiveness of local refining is import parity.

The Major Energies Marketers Association of Nigeria had estimated petrol import parity at between N1,364.02 and N1,365.02 per litre as of September 17.

Dangote’s new N1,325 per litre price is therefore below that earlier import-parity estimate, although actual import costs continue to change with international prices, exchange rates, freight and other charges.

The development could encourage more marketers to source products from domestic refineries if local products remain commercially competitive with imported alternatives.

It also illustrates the changing structure of Nigeria’s fuel market, where international crude prices remain important but domestic refining capacity, competition and supply availability are increasingly influencing prices.

The Federal Government has also been engaging operators in the downstream sector over petrol pricing and supply.

The Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority has convened consultations involving refiners, depot owners, marketers and retailers as the government seeks greater stability in the petroleum market.

For consumers, the immediate issue remains whether the reduction in wholesale prices will translate into cheaper petrol at the pump.

The latest reduction provides room for a downward movement, but the timing and size of any retail price cut will depend on the cost of existing stocks, new depot prices, transportation expenses, market competition and the direction of international crude prices.

The volatility of the market has also been reflected in the diesel segment.

Some depots reduced the price of automotive gas oil, with Lagos recording reductions of up to N15 per litre at some operators, while Port Harcourt and Warri also recorded significant cuts.

The movement in both petrol and diesel prices comes at a time when high energy costs continue to affect transportation, logistics, food distribution and operating expenses for Nigerian households and businesses.

If the lower crude prices persist and wholesale petrol prices remain at the new levels, motorists could see further reductions as cheaper stocks move through the distribution chain.

For now, the latest petrol depot price cuts have created a new opportunity for pump-price reductions, although the immediate impact will vary from one location and retailer to another.

The development also reinforces the increasingly competitive nature of Nigeria’s downstream petroleum sector, with Dangote Refinery, other domestic suppliers and importers competing to meet demand under a deregulated pricing regime.

Petrol Depot Prices Fall as Dangote, Marketers Cut Rates, Pump Price Reduction Looms

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