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Pregnant, Bleeding, and Still Forced to Work: The Unthinkable Ordeal of 7 Nigerian Teens

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Pregnant, Bleeding, and Still Forced to Work: The Unthinkable Ordeal of 7 Nigerian Teens

Pregnant, Bleeding, and Still Forced to Work: The Unthinkable Ordeal of 7 Nigerian Teens

In a devastating betrayal of trust, seven young Nigerian women—most still teenagers—were lured across West African borders by friends and relatives with promises of legitimate jobs, only to be trapped in a brutal sex trafficking network where they were forced to service multiple men daily, even during pregnancy and menstruation.

For these seven young Nigerian women, most of whom are teenagers, the nightmare began not with strangers lurking in shadows, but with familiar faces—friends, relatives, and community members who presented themselves as trusted helpers offering a lifeline out of poverty. The recruiters claimed to have connections abroad who could secure decent jobs in boutiques, restaurants, salons, and homes. What awaited the young girls across the border, however, was a brutal reality of deception, coercion, and exploitation. Their rescue by the Global Anti-Human Trafficking Organization (GAHTO) , working with authorities in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Nigeria’s National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP) , is more than a narrative of survival. It is a chilling reminder of how human traffickers increasingly rely on trusted agents, relatives, and acquaintances to lure vulnerable young people into modern-day slavery.

For 22-year-old Sunday Sofia, known in Mali as “Testie,” the trap was carefully laid. Working as a maid and sales assistant in a Lagos boutique for just ₦20,000 monthly, she dreamed of earning more to support her family and younger siblings. When a friend introduced her to what appeared to be a better opportunity, she saw hope. “It was one of my friends who told me she had secured another job for me,” Sofia recalled. “I accepted thinking it was a legitimate job. We were told we were going to work as housekeepers.” Instead, she found herself trapped in Mali, far from home and stripped of every right she once took for granted.

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Her story mirrors those of 17-year-old Blessing Samson, Esther Gyang, Odey Blessing, and others who were allegedly recruited through a network of agents who presented themselves as trusted helpers. Blessing said a man identified as Peter approached them in their hometown in Plateau State with what sounded like a life-changing opportunity. “He told us his sister had a business in Mali and needed people to work with her,” Blessing stated. The girls were promised jobs in boutiques, restaurants, and phone shops. They repeatedly sought assurances, suspicious of the too-good-to-be-true offer. “We asked him if it was really the work he told us we were going there to do. We even asked if it was hookup work. He said no,” recalled Odey Blessing, known as “Beauty.” 22-year-old Sandy Sophia, also from Plateau State, echoed this sentiment: “I asked countless times if it was prostitution, and they kept telling me it was not. It was only after we reached Burkina Faso that they finally admitted it was prostitution.”

The assurances were enough. They packed their bags, filled with hope and dreams of a better life. The moment they crossed the border, the dream died. Upon arrival in Mali, the girls were taken not to boutiques or restaurants but to bars where other young women greeted them with a phrase they did not understand at the time. “The following day, reality became impossible to ignore. They told us there was no boutique or phone plaza. They said it was prostitution,” Odey said. The girls cried. They pleaded. They begged. But they were told they had no choice.

One alleged trafficker reportedly informed them they owed 1.5 million CFA Francs each—approximately ₦4 million—and could only repay the debt through sex work. This tactic of debt bondage is a common tool used by trafficking networks to control their victims, creating a cycle of exploitation that seems impossible to escape. “They started starving us for three days. We had no option. What followed were weeks of exploitation. Some of us had to service multiple men daily while struggling to repay debts that seemed impossible to clear,” Odey recounted. According to Odey, there were no breaks—even during menstruation. “Even when we were having our menstrual cycle, we still had to sleep with men,” she said.

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Perhaps the most disturbing revelation from the rescue operation is how pregnancy became another layer of vulnerability rather than a shield from exploitation. 20-year-old Augusta Akoghamhen said the recruitment began through a relative of her father. The man allegedly assured the family that she would work as a domestic employee for foreigners and would travel by air. Because the information came through someone known to the family, suspicion never arose. “My father agreed because he believed the job was legitimate,” Augusta said. The journey eventually took more than a week by road. When they arrived, the promises vanished. “They didn’t even allow us rest from the stress of the travel. That same evening we were forced to start working. The work, I discovered, was prostitution. At the time, I was already pregnant. Unfortunately, pregnancy offered no protection,” she recalled. Augusta said she was beaten whenever she resisted working. “Anytime I refused to work because I was not feeling well, my boss attacked me. Despite being pregnant, I was expected to continue servicing clients while handing over virtually all earnings,” Augusta noted.

Elizabeth, another survivor who was trafficked alongside Augusta, experienced the same cruelty. “If they had told me it was prostitution, I would not have agreed to travel. My trafficker continued demanding work despite my advancing pregnancy. She said we would continue to work until we gave birth,” Elizabeth said. The dehumanization was complete when Elizabeth discovered she had become a commodity in a dispute between traffickers. “What shocked me most was discovering I had effectively become a commodity in a dispute between my boss, Osas, and her co-trafficker, Aisha. She refused and said except Aisha would buy me. I became a commodity for sale,” Elizabeth recounted.

Several of the girls recounted threats that they would go mad if they attempted to escape. Blessing remembered being warned repeatedly. “Our madam threatened that we would run mad if we refused to work or escape,” Blessing stated. The threats were designed to exploit cultural fears and keep victims psychologically trapped, demonstrating the sophisticated manipulation tactics employed by trafficking rings.

Despite the intimidation, the girls quietly began planning their escape. Ironically, one of the people who eventually helped rescue the girls was someone they knew from home. Sofia recalled meeting a man from their village who worked in Mali. “We knew him in our village before we travelled. He knows us and he knows our parents. When he discovered our situation, he promised to help,” she said. That intervention eventually connected the victims to GAHTO, setting in motion a rescue effort that would bring them back to Nigeria. For Augusta, the turning point came when she secretly reached out to her father in Nigeria. The message triggered a chain of events that eventually reached GAHTO and NAPTIP.

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GAHTO coordinated efforts leading to the rescue of Augusta and Elizabeth from Burkina Faso, after which they were received by NAPTIP’s Benin Zonal Command upon arrival in Nigeria. For the five girls rescued from Mali—Sunday Sofia, Blessing Samson, Esther Gyang, Odey Blessing, and Rose Pam—the intervention also brought an end to months of fear and uncertainty. Most returned home with little more than the clothes they were wearing. Some lost personal belongings; others worked for months without compensation. Yet all returned with something more valuable: freedom.

For Sofia, who spent two months in Mali, returning home felt like being given a second chance. “My greatest regret is travelling to Mali. I am happy to see myself in Nigeria. I won’t go back again,” Sofia declared. Today, she hopes to return to hairdressing and complete the apprenticeship she abandoned in pursuit of a better life. “I want to complete my hairdressing training. I was learning before I left, and I want to continue. I don’t want to experience that kind of life again,” she said.

These young women were not kidnapped by strangers lurking in dark corners. Many were recruited by people they knew: friends, relatives, neighbours, and trusted community members. The traffickers understood a painful truth: trust opens doors that force cannot. According to NAPTIP, human trafficking remains a major challenge in Nigeria. In 2025 alone, NAPTIP rescued over 370 Nigerian trafficking victims from countries including Ghana, Senegal, and other West African states, reflecting ongoing cross-border trafficking networks within the region. The agency also secured 93 convictions of human traffickers and intercepted more than 2,500 potential victims of trafficking both within Nigeria and across borders. The agency has noted that Edo and Delta States remain high-risk zones for human trafficking due to proximity to international borders and high migration pressure.

GAHTO’s founder, Prosper K.A. Michael, emphasized that poverty remains the primary driver of the crime: “When young people lack opportunities and parents are struggling, traffickers step in with false promises. We must tackle poverty and strengthen family bonds to protect our children.” The survivors’ stories exposed how false promises of jobs, education, and prosperity continue to lure vulnerable young Nigerians across borders into exploitation through recruitment by trusted connections, cross-border transportation, debt bondage, forced prostitution, psychological manipulation, and exploitation of vulnerability even during pregnancy and illness.

Anti-trafficking advocates and survivors themselves agree that meaningful change requires strengthening border controls to intercept trafficking networks, launching public awareness campaigns in high-risk communities, implementing economic empowerment programs to reduce vulnerability, ensuring stricter prosecution of traffickers including those who recruit through trusted networks, providing support services for survivors including counseling and job training, and offering community education to help families recognize recruitment tactics. Today, Sofia dreams of reopening her path to becoming a professional hairdresser. Others hope to return to school, rebuild their lives, and reunite with their families. For them, the journey home is a new beginning—and a powerful reminder that no promise of quick wealth is worth the price of freedom. Their stories are not just tales of survival. They are a call to action for governments, communities, and individuals to stand against human trafficking and protect the vulnerable among us.

Pregnant, Bleeding, and Still Forced to Work: The Unthinkable Ordeal of 7 Nigerian Teens

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Explosion kills ISWAP bombmakers, foreign IED experts in Borno

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7 hours ago

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August 5, 2026

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Explosion kills ISWAP bombmakers, foreign IED experts in Borno

Explosion kills ISWAP bombmakers, foreign IED experts in Borno

Five suspected members of the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), including a medical officer and four alleged improvised explosive device (IED) specialists, have reportedly been killed in a premature explosion while assembling explosives in Marte Local Government Area of Borno State.

Security sources said the explosion occurred at Maina Daya village, located between Sabon Tumbu and Jubilaram in the Marte axis, an area within the wider Lake Chad region where ISWAP has maintained a presence.

According to security analyst Zagazola Makama, those killed included an ISWAP medical officer identified as Usman Dan Fulani, two foreign nationals described by the sources as Arab IED technicians, and two suspected bomb-making specialists.

The identities and nationalities of the foreign nationals had not been independently confirmed as of the time of filing this report.

Sources said the suspected ISWAP members were assembling improvised explosive devices when the explosives detonated unexpectedly.

The group was reportedly preparing the devices for possible deployment along strategic military supply routes in Sector 1 of Operation HADIN KAI, raising concerns that the explosives may have been intended for attacks on security forces or vehicles operating in the area.

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The explosion reportedly destroyed the location where the devices were being assembled and prevented the suspected explosives from being deployed.

Security analysts said the deaths of experienced bombmakers could represent a significant setback to ISWAP’s IED network, particularly in the Marte-Monguno axis, where explosive devices have been used to target military patrols, security convoys and major transport routes.

However, analysts also noted that the long-term impact of the incident would depend on the group’s ability to replace the personnel and restore its technical capacity.

The development comes amid sustained military operations aimed at disrupting terrorist networks, destroying logistics facilities and limiting the movement of insurgents across Borno State and other parts of the North-East.

ISWAP has continued to use roadside bombs and other improvised explosive devices as part of its campaign against military formations, security personnel and civilian targets in the Lake Chad region.

Military sources said troops under Operation HADIN KAI had been directed to take advantage of the development by intensifying patrols, intelligence gathering, cordon-and-search operations and targeted offensives across the Monguno, Marte and Gamboru Ngala areas.

The operations are expected to focus on preventing surviving members of the suspected network from regrouping, relocating their activities or rebuilding their IED-manufacturing capacity.

Security forces are also expected to strengthen surveillance along routes that have previously been targeted with explosive devices.

The Nigerian military has continued to carry out intelligence-led air and ground operations against suspected ISWAP camps, logistics hubs and movement corridors across Borno.

While the latest explosion may temporarily disrupt the group’s operations, security analysts said sustained military pressure, improved intelligence gathering and continued collaboration with local communities would be necessary to prevent ISWAP from rebuilding its explosives network.

As of the time of filing this report, the Nigerian military had not issued an official statement confirming the incident, the identities of those killed or the reported involvement of foreign IED technicians.

Explosion kills ISWAP bombmakers, foreign IED experts in Borno

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Alleged Coup Mastermind Suggested Approaching Wike for Funding, Court Documents Show

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August 5, 2026

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Alleged Coup Mastermind Suggested Approaching Wike for Funding, Court Documents Show
Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, Nyesom Wike

Alleged Coup Mastermind Suggested Approaching Wike for Funding, Court Documents Show

FCT Minister’s name surfaces in alleged 2025 coup conspiracy testimony, yet records confirm he was never contacted or aware of the plan

The name of Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, Nyesom Wike, has surfaced in court documents linked to the alleged plot to overthrow President Bola Tinubu’s administration. However, investigation records indicate there is no evidence that the minister was contacted or that he had any knowledge of the alleged plan. This distinction is crucial as the trial of six defendants continues before the Federal High Court in Abuja over the alleged 2025 coup conspiracy against the Nigerian government.

The emergence of Wike’s name came from the statement of retired naval captain Erasmus Victor, one of the defendants currently standing trial. Victor admitted that he was aware of discussions surrounding the alleged plan but maintained that he repeatedly advised the alleged mastermind, Army Colonel Mohammed Ma’aji, to abandon the idea. His testimony has become a focal point in the proceedings, though investigators have been careful to distinguish between mere mention and actual complicity.

According to investigation records, Victor said Ma’aji approached him because of their long-standing relationship dating back to their time at the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA). Victor explained that the two had remained in contact after their military careers crossed paths at the academy, where he once served as commanding officer of the Burma Battalion while Ma’aji worked as his adjutant. This existing trust and familiarity reportedly made Victor a natural confidant for the embattled colonel.

Victor told investigators that Ma’aji became deeply frustrated after he failed to secure a promotion around 2023. He said he reached out to encourage the officer and urged him to focus on retirement instead of allowing the disappointment to consume him. “He was very devastated,” Victor reportedly said. According to Victor, Ma’aji rejected the advice and instead declared that he was prepared to do “anything necessary,” even if it cost him his life. Victor said he interpreted the comment as a sign that the officer intended to pursue an unconstitutional takeover of government and claimed he consistently discouraged him from doing so.

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The retired naval officer also disclosed that Ma’aji later began searching for wealthy individuals who could allegedly provide financial backing for the operation. Victor said several influential Nigerians were mentioned during their discussions, and among them was the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike. Explaining why his name came up, Victor said he had previously served as chairman of Ogu/Bolo Local Government Area in Rivers State during Wike’s tenure as governor. “I have been a local government chairman for Ogu/Bolo LGA under Nyesom Wike, and I left office in 2021,” he stated. “He suggested I bring Nyesom Wike into the plan in order to seek funds from him.”

Victor insisted that despite the request, he never approached Wike or any other individual for financial assistance. He said he only informed Ma’aji that his efforts to secure sponsors had failed. He further stated, “I was not under compulsion to tell Col Ma’aji I was going to get him sponsors.” This admission is critical because the investigation records reportedly do not suggest that Wike was aware of the alleged plot or took part in any discussion connected to it. The absence of any evidence linking the FCT Minister to the conspiracy has been a recurring theme in official briefings on the matter.

Security agencies launched investigations after the alleged conspiracy was uncovered in September 2025. Prosecutors alleged that the suspects planned to assassinate President Bola Tinubu, Vice President Kashim Shettima, Senate President Godswill Akpabio, Speaker of the House of Representatives Tajudeen Abbas, service chiefs and other senior government officials before taking over power. Investigators further alleged that different roles had been assigned to members of the group, including military operations, logistics, recruitment of financiers, intelligence gathering, propaganda and spiritual consultations. The scale and audacity of the alleged plot have drawn significant public attention, with many Nigerians closely following the court proceedings.

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Victor is standing trial alongside serving and retired military officers accused of participating in the alleged conspiracy. In his statement, the retired naval officer said he eventually began to doubt whether Ma’aji genuinely intended to stage a coup. “I suspected it was 419,” Victor reportedly told investigators. He explained that he wondered whether the officer was simply trying to obtain money from wealthy individuals under the guise of planning a takeover, arguing that anyone who voluntarily funded an illegal operation would likely be unwilling to report the matter to security agencies if the money disappeared. This skepticism, he claimed, was part of the reason he never took active steps to support the plan.

The investigation also revealed that Victor admitted communicating with Ma’aji through Zangi, an encrypted messaging application. According to him, the platform was recommended because it offered more secure communication than regular phone calls. He said he only downloaded the application to communicate with Ma’aji and another defendant, Lieutenant Colonel Shamsuddeen Bappah. Investigators alleged that Bappah received ₦5 million on September 27, 2025, from funds linked to the alleged operation, though Victor denied taking part in any financial arrangement. The use of encrypted communication has been a point of interest for investigators, who are working to piece together the full extent of communications among the alleged conspirators.

The retired naval officer also acknowledged discussions about possible appointments if the alleged coup had succeeded. According to his statement, Ma’aji once asked him what position he would like in the proposed administration. Victor claimed he jokingly reminded the colonel that he had earlier promised to make him Chief of Staff to the President, but the officer instead replied that he would appoint him as a minister. Victor insisted the conversation was never serious and should not be interpreted as support for the alleged conspiracy, framing it as casual banter rather than a genuine planning session.

He further disclosed that Ma’aji estimated the operation would require about ₦2 billion to execute. Victor said he warned that such a plan would be difficult to execute because of modern surveillance systems and communication technology, adding that those realities convinced him the operation would fail. This practical assessment, he claimed, was part of his ongoing effort to discourage the colonel from pursuing what he saw as a doomed enterprise. Although he admitted forwarding some revolutionary-themed social media materials to Ma’aji through WhatsApp, Victor maintained that he consistently advised against the alleged plot and denied participating in any effort to overthrow the government. He also admitted he never reported the alleged plan to security agencies despite knowing about it, claiming he attempted to reach the then-Rivers State Sole Administrator but was unable to get through.

The trial is expected to continue as the Federal High Court considers evidence presented by the prosecution and the responses of the defendants. The defendants have pleaded not guilty to all charges, and legal experts anticipate a lengthy judicial process given the gravity of the allegations. As the proceedings unfold, the distinction between names mentioned in testimony and individuals with actual involvement will remain a critical factor in determining the outcome of the case.

Alleged Coup Mastermind Suggested Approaching Wike for Funding, Court Documents Show

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Adeleke challenges EFCC over freezing of Osun government account

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August 5, 2026

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Adeleke challenges EFCC over freezing of Osun government account
Osun State Governor, Ademola Adeleke

Adeleke challenges EFCC over freezing of Osun government account

Osun State Governor, Ademola Adeleke, has demanded an explanation from the Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Ola Olukoyede, over the freezing of an account belonging to the Osun State Government.

Adeleke, who spoke with journalists at the Government House in Osogbo on Wednesday, described the action as unlawful and warned that it could disrupt government activities and affect the delivery of essential public services across the state.

The governor said the state government received a letter from its bank indicating that the EFCC had directed the financial institution to place a restriction on the government account.

According to Adeleke, the action was taken without a court order, adding that the state government would challenge the decision through legal means. (TheCable)

“We are supposed to be in a democracy where the rule of law must always prevail,” the governor said.

Adeleke argued that federal agencies must operate within constitutional and legal boundaries, insisting that the rights and powers of state governments should be respected.

He called on Olukoyede to publicly explain the reason for the account restriction and provide evidence to support the action.

“All I ask is for the EFCC chairman to explain to the good people of Osun State and Nigerians in general why he froze the Osun State Government account and show proof to support whatever reason he presents,” Adeleke said.

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The governor alleged that the development was part of a wider effort to intimidate his administration ahead of the August 15, 2026 Osun governorship election.

He also accused former Osun State governor, Gboyega Oyetola, of being behind what he described as political attacks against his administration. The allegation was not independently established in the reports reviewed.

Adeleke maintained that his government would not accept actions it considered unconstitutional or politically motivated.

He subsequently directed the state Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Oluwole Jimi-Bada, SAN, to institute legal action against the EFCC at the Federal High Court in Osogbo. (Vanguard News)

Jimi-Bada said the state government received a “Post No Debit” communication linked to the EFCC’s directive to the bank where the affected government account is domiciled.

The Attorney-General said the state government was prepared to challenge the restriction, arguing that while the anti-graft agency has the power to investigate financial transactions, it must act within the limits of the law.

He said the restriction could affect the day-to-day operations of the state government but expressed confidence that the matter would be resolved through the courts.

Osun State Commissioner for Finance, Sola Ogungbile, also raised concerns about the possible impact of the account restriction on government operations and the welfare of residents.

Ogungbile denied claims that the Adeleke administration was using state funds to finance its re-election campaign and urged the EFCC to consider the potential consequences of restricting access to government funds.

Earlier, Adeleke had raised the alarm over an alleged plan to freeze additional Osun State Government accounts and the accounts of some senior government officials.

In a statement issued through the Commissioner for Information and Public Enlightenment, Kolapo Alimi, the governor alleged that the planned action was intended to paralyse government activities ahead of the governorship election.

Adeleke maintained that there was no legal basis for freezing the state government’s accounts and insisted that the anti-graft agency must follow due process in carrying out its investigations.

The development has heightened political tension in Osun ahead of the governorship election, with the state government insisting that it will seek judicial intervention while demanding a public explanation from the EFCC.

As of the time of filing this report, the EFCC had not publicly released detailed reasons for the account restriction or responded to the allegations made by the Osun State Government.

Adeleke challenges EFCC over freezing of Osun government account

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