Opinion
Kurds: The Sepia Pawn on the Chessboard
Kurds: The Sepia Pawn on the Chessboard
Years ago, a dashing and genteel young man called Casanova de Seingalt met a ravishing young lady called Kudi. The young man met Kudi during turbulence, when alliances were a scarce commodity and one needed a paisano to overcome the hellscape. Throughout the blizzard, Kudi stood firm like a totem pole. Knowing full well that one good turn deserves another, the loving young man promised to walk down the aisle with Kudi as compensation for loyalty.
Sadly, the promise made 106 years ago was never kept, even as the unfulfilled promises, heartbreak, and trauma continue to pervade our world.
The fiction above aptly describes the Kurds and the statehood promised by the superpowers on August 10, 1920, under the Treaty of Sèvres, following the dissolution of the Dissolution of the Ottoman Empire. As a result, the Kurds became a stateless nation — a term that refers to ethnic or cultural groups that share a common identity, history, language, or territory but lack their own independent sovereign state.
If stateless nations were to be grouped into pots like FIFA does before a major competition, the Basques, Catalans, Tamils, and Uyghurs would all be in the same pot as the Kurds. While the first three nations are sliced between two countries, the Uyghurs — with a presence in China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan — are like the Kurds: among the largest stateless nations, with 30–40 million people shoehorned into four different countries: Turkey, Iraq, Syria, and Iran, with varying degrees of assimilation and autonomy.
What also makes the Kurdish question a Gordian knot is the fact that they remain the only nation promised a state by the superpowers and overwhelmingly denied.
The ultimate denial has resulted in 18–20 million Kurds in Turkey, 8–10 million in Iran, 5–6 million in Iraq, and 2–3 million in Syria seeking autonomy, recognition, and the preservation of Kurdish culture and education. Kurds abhor oppression and play on the fringe of the political order in their respective countries. The rugged nature of Kurdish topography is not merely a lesson for geography classes in the Middle East; it is also a reflection of a ballsy national character in the face of intimidation by their traducers.
READ ALSO:
- Remi Tinubu Condemns Ozoro Festival Assault, Demands Prosecution of Perpetrators
- NLC Pushes for Unified Energy Ministry, Rejects ₦6 Trillion GENCO Bailout
- Abiodun Ayoyinka Rebrands as Bondu Alaska Amid Papa Ajasco Identity and Brand Dispute
This culminated in the emergence of the Republic of Mahabad in 1946 and the hanging of Qazi Muhammad — the arrowhead of the Kurdish cause — in Charchra Square, where the petals of nationhood briefly unfurled but withered before reaching their majestic grandeur.
From Turkey (Bakur), Iraq (Bashur), Iran (Rojhelat), and Syria (Rojava), the trajectory of the Kurds has been marked by revolts and insurgencies against the forces of oppression and intimidation. Despite the inveterate heartbreak, the heart of the Kurds is filled with love and their mind with the spirit of camaraderie.
Pushed to the wall in 2003 against Saddam Hussein — the mastermind and executioner of the Anfal Campaign (1986–1989) against the Kurds — the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) fought alongside the United States, overthrowing Saddam and the Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party, defending their historic capital, Kirkuk, and acquiring semi-autonomy.
Also, in 2014, when Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi declared a “caliphate,” giving Islamic State a very firm foothold in Iraq, the Kurds in Syria and Iraq — through the YPJ (Yekîneyên Parastina Jin), an all-female Kurdish military force based in Rojava, northern Syria, and the Peshmerga (“those who face death”), the official military forces of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) — became allies in arms and went to the trenches with the United States to quench the raging fire of ISIS.
Isn’t it an irony that a jilted bride is fighting alongside the very nation that jilted her?
While the Kurds see this act as a fight for survival to bring about change, the superpowers see the Kurds as a pawn to clip the wings of their enemies.
In order to ensure reconciliation, stability, and growth, the Kurds are gradually being given the opportunity to sing from the same hymnal as their respective governments. While Turkey is doing so through broadcasting and education, Syria has recognised Kurdish alongside Arabic as a national language, repealed discriminatory policies, and begun a gradual integration of Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) institutions into the state structure. For Iraq, the Kurds have long enjoyed a de facto semi-autonomy through the guardrail of the United States since 1991.
READ ALSO:
- Over 150 Bandits Reportedly Die in Sokoto Water Accident
- Tinubu Moves to Ease Economic Pressure as Fuel Price Hike Hits Nigerians
- ₦200 Trillion NNPCL Probe: SERAP Threatens Legal Action Against Akpabio
The Kurdish story is a story of promises not kept, of cavalry called upon to fight, then denied the right to share the spoils. A political scientist sees geopolitics and intentional fragmentation of nations. A brand strategist, however, sees something different pervading the landscape. Their story mirrors the super brand that dominates the market, a challenger brand that unsettles and challenges the status quo, and the flank brand, the habitual pawn in the hands of the super brand, moved anywhere on the chessboard to counter-effect.
The superpowers, like market leaders, don’t focus solely on their area of comparative advantage alone; doing so makes them one-dimensional thinkers. To continue to be relevant in world polity, they have to be three-dimensional thinkers; they think about deepening the market, to negate competition of regional powers (challenger brands), and how to raise the flank brands — the pawn — to knock the sail of the wind of the regional powers (challenger brands) that are usually disruptors. In Nigeria, MultiChoice’s DStv was the market leader in the pay-TV network. The coming of StarTimes disrupted that market segment until DStv responded with a flank brand, GOtv, their pawn to fighting the challenger brand frontally. Also in Kenya, when locally brewed alcohol challenged the dominance of Tusker, East African Breweries Limited responded, introducing their pawn, Senator Keg, to change the market colouration.
As it is, the current face-off between the United States, Israel, and Iran is fixated on the superpower, regional power, and pawn vignette. Already, the United States is seeking a bromance with the Kurds. Reports are everywhere of Donald Trump inviting Iranian Kurdish leader Mustafa Hijri to the White House. In an interview with Fox News, Bafel Talabani of the PUK confirmed speaking with Donald Trump about the Iran war.
For Operation Epic Fury and Roaring Lion, the Kurds — who are the flank brand would be moved like a ballerina on the chessboard by the superpower (Super brand),to counter the challenger brand posture of Iran.But in the end the superpower won’t be a pencil to redraw the map; rather, they would only peck the pawn for a job well done, as oxidation has taken its toll on the chessboard.
Kurds: The Sepia Pawn on the Chessboard
Toluwalope Shodunke ,a Media Practitioner
Can be reached via tolushodunke@yahoo.com
![]()
Opinion
Tinubu proved me wrong in Kwara, By Farooq Kperogi
Tinubu proved me wrong in Kwara, By Farooq Kperogi
Tinubu proved me wrong in Kwara, By Farooq Kperogi
![]()
Opinion
If Nigeria Is Not Divided, We Will Never Have Any Sense in the North
If Nigeria Is Not Divided, We Will Never Have Any Sense in the North
By Mohammed Bello Doka
There is a rumour circulating through Nigeria’s political underbelly that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, after completing his second term in office, is seriously considering the unthinkable: the formal division of the country. Could it be that the man from the South-West, who many believe has never fully embraced the idea of one Nigeria, has grown tired of the endless strain on our collective sanity? Could it be that the Northern experiment, which began with such promise in 1960, has finally revealed itself as a failed enterprise of monumental proportions?
And here is the question that should keep every Northerner awake at night: if the sword of division never falls, will the North ever produce a single ounce of sense?
My answer, as bitter as it may sound, is no.
Let us begin with the Northern elite. Their obsession with the federal purse is not merely an obsession; it is a pathology. For decades, the so-called leaders of the North have clung to federal revenue allocation like a drowning man clutching a piece of driftwood. They have been paid, rewarded, and accommodated repeatedly. What have they offered in return?
A region where children beg for food while governors travel in private jets. A region where life expectancy remains among the lowest in the country while politicians build mansions in Abuja, Dubai, and beyond. The Northern elite have turned federal allocations into a feeding bottle and have sucked it dry.
They have neglected the welfare of their people, failed to protect lives and property, and presided over a situation in which banditry, kidnapping, and insecurity have flourished. When villages are attacked and families are displaced, where are these leaders? They are often in Abuja, lobbying for more federal allocations, more appointments, and more privileges. To many of them, more public money simply translates into more wives, more mansions, and more luxury.
Then we have the educated class of the North. What a tragedy they have become.
Armed with degrees from Ahmadu Bello University, the University of Maiduguri, Bayero University Kano, and even prestigious foreign institutions, many have done little with their knowledge beyond decorating their résumés and feeding their egos. They sit in air-conditioned offices, write elegant policy papers that gather dust on shelves, and remain silent while their communities crumble.
READ ALSO:
- Gunmen Kill Two Soldiers, Police Officer in Plateau Midnight Raid
- Emeka Ike Files N10bn Lawsuit Against INEC, Wike’s Aide Over Voter Data Leak
- Why I Have Not Resumed as Ambassador to Mexico — Reno Omokri
They know the solutions. They understand the economics. They see the decline unfolding in slow motion. Yet they refuse to speak, refuse to act, and refuse to lead. They have traded conscience for comfort and duty for government vehicles, foreign trips, generous allowances, and plaques celebrating questionable achievements. The educated Northern elite has become one of the most disappointing and self-serving classes in contemporary Nigeria.
Then there is the business elite.
Their philosophy appears simple: profit above all else. They have watched their region descend into chaos and, in many cases, found ways to benefit from it. Displaced communities require food. Insecurity creates opportunities for middlemen. Crisis becomes commerce.
Rather than investing substantially in agriculture, solid minerals, manufacturing, renewable energy, and other productive sectors that could transform the region, many prefer quick profits and short-term gains. They are not builders of lasting prosperity; they are beneficiaries of dysfunction.
Then we come to the so-called Yan Boko—the educated youth who should have become the vanguard of reform.
Instead, many have become willing instruments of political manipulation. They spread division disguised as conviction and bigotry disguised as piety. They have learned little from education except how to argue more eloquently and hate more efficiently. They march proudly toward their own ruin, armed with polished English and intellectual arrogance, while contributing little to meaningful change.
Let me be clear: I do not place primary blame on traditional rulers for the current crisis.
Their powers were stripped away long ago by military decrees and constitutional arrangements. Today, an emir cannot raise an army, levy taxes, or even discipline a district head without government approval. Traditional rulers have largely become ceremonial custodians of culture with very limited authority over governance and security.
However, I do blame many Islamic scholars.
You have failed, and failed spectacularly.
You spend your days arguing over minor ritual differences—whether a finger should be raised during supplication, how a beard should be worn, or which sect possesses the correct interpretation of doctrine. Qadiriyya versus Tijaniyya. Izala versus Darika. Endless disputes over labels and loyalties.
Meanwhile, the core teachings of Islam—justice, knowledge, accountability, compassion, and the advancement of society—receive far less attention. Where is the emphasis on education? Where is the call for economic productivity? Where is the reminder that Allah does not change the condition of a people until they change what is within themselves?
Too many scholars have transformed religion into a tool of control rather than enlightenment. An ignorant follower is easier to command. An informed follower asks questions, and questions threaten authority.
Although traditional rulers possess little real power today, many have also contributed to their own decline. Some have traded prestige and influence for financial rewards and political patronage. As a result, public respect has diminished. A traditional institution that cannot protect its people or meaningfully influence governance struggles to maintain moral authority.
And what of the ordinary Northern man?
He, too, has failed himself.
Too often, he has neglected the pursuit of knowledge. Too often, he has accepted sentiment in place of reason and emotion in place of evidence. He has allowed himself to become a tool in the hands of politicians and religious opportunists. He applauds leaders who mortgage his future and supports systems that perpetuate his own suffering.
The tragedy is that the North sits atop resources capable of transforming not only Nigeria but much of Africa.
Agriculture: vast grazing lands and fertile soil suitable for groundnuts, cotton, sorghum, maize, rice, and livestock production. The North could feed much of West Africa.
Solid minerals: gold in Zamfara, tin in Plateau, lead and zinc deposits across several states, limestone, barite, and countless other resources that remain underdeveloped.
Rare earth elements: strategic minerals that power smartphones, batteries, and modern technologies.
Energy resources: coal deposits, hydroelectric potential along major rivers, and abundant solar radiation capable of powering entire cities.
Human capital: a youthful population that, if properly educated and empowered, could become one of Africa’s greatest assets.
Yet what do we see?
Farmers driven from their lands by insecurity. Illegal mining operations enriching foreign interests while destroying the environment. Abandoned energy projects. Unemployment. Migration. Frustration. A generation either fleeing abroad or falling into cycles of crime, extremism, and hopelessness.
Compare this with other countries. Botswana discovered diamonds and built one of Africa’s most stable economies. Chile transformed copper into national prosperity. Norway turned oil wealth into a sovereign wealth fund designed to benefit future generations.
The North possesses resources comparable to, and in some cases greater than, those that transformed these nations. Yet it remains trapped in poverty, insecurity, and underdevelopment.
What the North needs is a baptism of fire—not the fire of violence, but the fire of a profound and unavoidable awakening.
The comfortable lies must be shattered. The false prophets must be challenged. The educated class must leave its comfort zones and engage directly with society’s problems. The business elite must contribute meaningfully to development. Ordinary citizens must recognize that no saviour is coming. They must save themselves.
That is why the title stands.
If Nigeria is not divided, we may never develop any sense in the North. Division would force the region to stand on its own feet. There would be no federal purse to blame, no Southern revenues to contest, and no convenient excuses. There would only be the North, its people, and its resources.
Would we survive? Or would we collapse?
The answer to that question would reveal whether we are capable of genuine self-reliance.
Perhaps separation is the only lesson the North has not yet ignored, resisted, or corrupted. Perhaps the breaking of Nigeria would force a long-overdue confrontation with our failures. It is a harsh prescription, but harsh illnesses sometimes require harsh remedies.
So let the rumour be true.
Let the North stand alone and prove its worth.
Because only when dependence ends will accountability begin. Only when external lifelines disappear will we discover whether we possess the wisdom, discipline, and determination required for survival.
My deepest fear is that we do not.
And if we do not, then division will merely expose what has always existed beneath the surface: a region blessed with immense wealth and potential, yet crippled by greed, complacency, and self-inflicted decline, waiting for the final verdict of history.
Mohammed Bello Doka
Abuja Network News
bellodoka82@gmail.com
If Nigeria Is Not Divided, We Will Never Have Any Sense in the North
![]()
Opinion
Death of Retired General in Captivity Sparks Fresh Concerns Over Nigeria’s Security Crisis
Death of Retired General in Captivity Sparks Fresh Concerns Over Nigeria’s Security Crisis
The death of retired Major General Rabe Abubakar while in the custody of bandits has reignited concerns over the worsening security situation in Nigeria, with stakeholders calling for urgent and decisive measures to address the growing threat posed by criminal groups across the country.
In a commentary released on Friday, public affairs analyst Mallam Ibrahim Agunbiade described the late military officer’s death as a troubling reflection of the country’s deepening insecurity, stressing that the incident should serve as a wake-up call for government authorities and security agencies.
Major General Abubakar, who reportedly dedicated decades of service to the Nigerian military and contributed to counterinsurgency efforts, was abducted alongside his wife while travelling in Katsina State. He later died while in captivity, according to information released by the state government.
The analyst noted that the incident raises serious concerns about the safety of citizens, arguing that if a retired senior military officer could fall victim to banditry, ordinary Nigerians remain even more vulnerable.
The Katsina State Government had described the development as a dark moment and reiterated the need for stronger collective action against criminal elements operating in various parts of the country.
Agunbiade emphasized that beyond official statements, the tragedy underscores the suffering experienced by victims’ families, many of whom endure prolonged periods of uncertainty, fear and grief while awaiting the release of abducted loved ones.
READ ALSO:
- DSS Foils Arms Delivery to Zamfara Bandits, Arrests Suspect in Kano
- BREAKING: Atiku Picks Amaechi As Running Mate For 2027 Presidential Election
- Senior Lawyers Drag NYSC to Court Over Deployment of Corps Members to Insecure States
He also referenced the reported death of Islamic scholar Alhaji Muhammad Maibarga in bandits’ captivity in Kebbi State, saying the incidents demonstrate that insecurity affects people across all social, religious and professional backgrounds.
According to him, farmers, traders, students, traditional rulers, religious leaders, security personnel and other citizens have all become targets of criminal attacks in recent years.
The Defence Headquarters had earlier explained that it refrained from making public comments on the abduction of the retired General because rescue efforts were ongoing. Military authorities also pledged that those responsible for the crime would be brought to justice.
However, Agunbiade maintained that the latest tragedy highlights the urgent need for a more effective and coordinated national response to insecurity.
He stressed that tackling banditry, kidnapping and terrorism requires more than military action alone, advocating improved intelligence gathering, stronger inter-agency collaboration, enhanced protection for vulnerable communities and sustained efforts to dismantle criminal networks.
The commentator further urged Nigerians to view insecurity as a national challenge rather than a regional or ethnic issue, noting that victims cut across all religious, ethnic and social divides.
He called on government at all levels to prioritize the protection of lives and property, insisting that the death of Major General Abubakar should not be treated as just another headline but as a reminder of the urgent need to restore security and public confidence across the country.
Death of Retired General in Captivity Sparks Fresh Concerns Over Nigeria’s Security Crisis
![]()
-
metro13 hours agoVIDEO: Jubilation as Kidnapped Family Is Freed After Sunday Igboho’s Two-Hour Ultimatum
-
metro3 days ago‘Privacy Is Peace to Me’ – Baba Ijesha’s Wife Abiodun Tokunbo Finally Speaks Out
-
metro3 days agoBandits Fear Death, Not God, Says Ex-NYSC DG Tsiga After 56-Day Captivity
-
metro3 days agoAlaafin Owoade I Steps In, Resolves Oyo Muslim Community Feud
-
metro2 days agoPastor Arrested for Taking 75 Married Women as Wives, Tears Church Apart
-
metro9 hours agoPolice Deny Sunday Igboho’s Role in Oyo Kidnap Victims Release
-
Politics14 hours agoINEC Declares Oyebanji Winner of Ekiti Governorship Election, Sweeps All 16 LGAs (Full Results)
-
Politics1 day agoEkiti 2026: EU Observers Hail Peaceful Poll, 96% BVAS Performance
