ADC coalition vs. APC: Fresh faces or familiar failures? By Farooq Kperogi - Newstrends
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ADC coalition vs. APC: Fresh faces or familiar failures? By Farooq Kperogi

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Farooq Kperogi

ADC coalition vs. APC: Fresh faces or familiar failures? By Farooq Kperogi

The Nigerian political space and preparations for the 2027 general elections have been electrified with the high-decibel announcement of the migration of major opposition politicians to the African Democratic Congress (ADC). Sure, the ADC is a shiny new bottle holding old wine, yet it appears to be the only party that stands a chance to effectively challenge or dislodge the APC.

The Peoples Democratic Party, which is supposed to be the main opposition party, is in the firm grip of Federal Capital Territory Minister Nyesom Wike. He finances and controls it and would never allow it to pose a threat to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s reelection in 2027.

The Labour Party is in disarray and enervated by what seems like irresolvable internal fissures. The previously inconsequential Social Democratic Party, which burst forth from obscurity to national prominence after former Kaduna State governor Nasir El-Rufai defected to it and encouraged opposition politicians to consider it a new political home, suddenly became inhospitable for fleeing APC political refugees.

In a widely shared April 26, 2025, column titled “In 2027, Tinubu Won’t Win; The Opposition Will Lose,” I noted that, “Northern opposition politicians like Nasir El-Rufai also don’t seem to realize that the Social Democratic Party (SDP) they have embraced as the vehicle to displace Tinubu is, in fact, Tinubu’s spare car.” Despite initial skepticism, they eventually realized this truth.

So, there is no question that the opposition had no credible platform from which to launch a challenge to Tinubu. Until now, it had seemed as though Tinubu’s path to victory in 2027 was unchallenged. An Atiku-Obi or Obi-Atiku ticket, if managed adroitly, would be a fierce, forceful political tsunami.

While the convergence of opposition politicians in the ADC has enlivened the playing field, strengthened the vibrancy of our electoral politics, and forestalled what had appeared like an inexorable march to a de facto one-party democracy, several people have questioned the quality and antecedents of the people who constitute the core of the group.

However pollyannaish you might choose to be, it is difficult not to be amused that Abubakar Malami, Buhari’s minister of justice who was (allegedly ) notorious for unrestrained Igbophobia as an official policy, who rechristened “Abacha loot” as “Abacha asset,” and who was mired in unspeakably stratospheric corruption and abuse of power only a few years ago, is one of the arrowheads of the opposition.

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How about Nasir El-Rufai who is the mascot for toxic, unabashed Christophobia in northern Nigeria, a purveyor of noxious ethno-regional intolerance? Does his opportunistic opposition to Tinubu, legitimate as it is, erase his troubling past, which he is likely to repeat in the future should he have another chance?

Rotimi Amaechi assaulted the sensibilities of Nigerians as Buhari’s minister of transportation for eight years, and Babachir Lawal of grass-cutting corruption infamy is another mover of the ADC. But somehow, we are supposed to believe that these are revolutionary or born-again politicians who will be different from the current cast of characters who are making living hell for the majority of Nigerians.

There is, however, a fair counter-argument. While the ADC contains people whose immediate past history evokes horror and revulsion, it also has people who are reasonably smart and forward-thinking.

Since a political party isn’t an association of saints or of people who are unblemished by moral or ethical stains, it’s unfair to dismiss a political party because of one’s disapproval of the past actions of a few people in it.

In any case, the APC, which is the alternative, isn’t different. For every previously heartless and corrupt ADC politician, there are countless more APC politicians who are worse. So, it is defensible to dismiss the moral judgment on some of the people who are marketing the ADC.

I am politically unaffiliated and have always been. I am not saying this to assert any moral superiority. A politically unaffiliated person isn’t superior to a politically partisan person. It’s just a choice.

Nonetheless, from my unaffiliated political lenses, the emergence of ADC is great only to the extent that it has introduced some intra-class competition within Nigerian ruling class circles. The APC can no longer take for granted its dominance of the Nigerian political space. Virile, transaction-oriented opposition will cause it to sit up and work to earn the trust of the people instead of taking them for granted, as it has for the past two years.

Beyond that, though, the APC and the ADC are mere platforms for the same ruling class that has dominated Nigeria since 1999. From 1999 until 2015, they congregated in the PDP. Those who couldn’t get a spot in the PDP became the “opposition.”

From 2015 until now, the same ruling elites moved to the APC. In fact, as I pointed out in previous columns, up to 90 percent (perhaps more) of former PDP national chairmen are now in the APC.

For instance, Abdullahi Adamu, the APC chairman before Abdullahi Ganduje, is a previous two-term PDP governor of Nasarawa State who also served as Secretary of PDP’s Board of Trustees.

Should the ADC succeed in displacing the APC in 2027, most of the people in the APC today would be in the ADC. Perpetual “crosstitution” (as South Africans call defection, which is a delicious blend of “crossing” and “prostitution,” implying that elected officials who switch political parties are political prostitutes) is the only permanent thing in Nigerian politics.

“Opposition politicians,” for the most part, are usually no more than politicians who are excluded from the ruling party for any number of reasons, none of which has the remotest association with principles or ideology.

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To take the ADC seriously, I need evidence of clear policy distinctions from the APC. Specifically, I will evaluate the ADC on three critical issues.

First, what is the position of the party on petrol subsidies? This is important because many of the major players in the ADC coalition have articulated positions on petrol subsidies that are indistinguishable from what Tinubu’s APC is implementing now. I have written countless columns on this and won’t bore the reader by repeating it.

What I do know, however, is that energy independence is a core constituent of the ingredients that are necessary for national growth and development. Access to affordable fuel is the engine of industrialization. All developed countries or countries on the path to development have some form of energy subsidies for their citizens and businesses.

If the ADC wants to continue with the policy of subsidy removal, which has wreaked havoc on the economy and hollowed out the middle class, I will leave it to Nigerians to decide whether jumping from the torment of the frying pan to the incineration of the fire makes a difference.

The second policy I will judge the ADC on is its position on the devaluation of the naira. All the major movers of the ADC have expressed positions on the devaluation of the naira that are consistent with what Tinubu is doing now.

Well, the English say the proof of the pudding is in the eating. That is, the true worth of something can only be determined by actual practice or outcomes, rather than by its appearance or theoretical claims.

We have all seen what happens to people and the economy when you gut subsidies and devalue the national currency. Of course, previous columns of mine have predicted exactly what is happening now. Voters will do well to insist that ADC says exactly what its policy is regarding currency devaluation.

Finally, what would the ADC do differently with regard to electricity generation and distribution? Will it uphold the current economic apartheid in electricity consumption, as I characterized it in my May 18, 2024, column?

Many other issues exist, of course, but in my estimation, these are foundational questions that will determine if the APC and the ADC are truly different parties or if they are merely different containers of the same hell.

Ultimately, if voters are merely seduced by the allure of different faces in government without demanding substantively different policies, they will inevitably perpetuate the familiar cycle of failures that makes each subsequent president appear worse than their predecessors.

Without genuine policy change, Nigerians might soon find themselves missing Tinubu after 2027, just as many now unexpectedly find themselves missing Muhammadu Buhari, once regarded as Nigeria’s worst president.

ADC coalition vs. APC: Fresh faces or familiar failures? By Farooq Kperogi

Farooq Kperogi is a renowned Nigerian columnist and United States-based Professor of Journalism.

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Opinion

2027: Competence, Not Zoning, Should Decide Nigeria’s Next President — Imasuagbon

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Nigerians should look beyond ethnicity, region and the longstanding debate over rotational presidency when choosing the country’s next leader, according to a chieftain of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Kenneth Imasuagbon.

The former Edo State governorship aspirant said the priority ahead of the 2027 election should be finding a president with the ability to confront Nigeria’s economic, security and infrastructure challenges.

Speaking to journalists in Benin, Imasuagbon argued that presidential rotation is not a requirement of the Nigerian Constitution and should therefore not outweigh the question of competence.

He said voters should be more concerned about replacing poor schools with better ones, improving healthcare and addressing hardship than debating where the next president comes from.

Imasuagbon specifically appealed to voters in the South to support former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who is contesting the 2027 presidency on the ADC platform.

According to him, Atiku has demonstrated the experience and determination needed to improve the country, describing the former vice president as someone capable of promoting national unity and fairness.

He also accused the Bola Tinubu administration of worsening economic pressure through policies including the removal of fuel subsidy, while expressing concern about the condition of roads, electricity and other infrastructure.

Imasuagbon argued that the next administration must focus on practical improvements in areas such as power, transportation, employment, security and public services.

The ADC chieftain also dismissed the idea that the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) would automatically benefit from its incumbency advantage in 2027.

He maintained that the electorate ultimately determines the outcome of an election, arguing that voters could change the political direction of the country if they were determined to do so.

Imasuagbon further criticised what he described as regional and ethnic considerations in the distribution of political appointments and opportunities, insisting that the next president should give Nigerians across different parts of the country a sense of belonging.

His comments come as political parties and their candidates intensify preparations for the 2027 presidential election.

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Lesson from Dotun Oladipo’s Brave Daughters, by Bamidele Johnson

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Lesson from Dotun Oladipo’s Brave Daughters, by Bamidele Johnson

 

I hope to grow old. I want to see my kids become real adults, find their own feet, make mistakes, recover from them, and perhaps one day complain that their own children are giving them grey hairs. I want that plainly stated before anything else, as everything that follows might read as a man agreeing to an early exit rather than a man simply being honest about the odds.

I want the decades. I want to become the grandfather who repeats the same stories until nobody bothers correcting him anymore. But wanting a thing and being granted are different things. The last year has made that difference harder to ignore than I would like. I have lost many friends recently to keep thinking that optimism is my natural resting state. Some of these men had better blood pressure than mine, better habits, better everything that is supposed to count. It did not save them.

There is no formula I know that reliably separates the men who make it to 70 from those who do not. Anyone who says he knows one is selling something. So, I do not assume that old age is an already booked destination. Even if I once did, which I doubt, the last three years have cured me of such an illusion. As such, I treat it as a hope rather than an expectation, and I have found that a more honest way to live.

It is exactly why I want something placed on record now, while I am still able to place things on record, rather than leave it for people to guess what my wishes were in the fog of a funeral week. If I do not make old bones, my children are not to be asked to read tributes at my funeral. Not one line, however short, however lovingly written.

This, for me, was settled today rather than re-opened. At Dotun Oladipo’s funeral service, his three daughters took turns to read their tributes to their dad, and I found myself watching them with awe. There was a kind of strength in them that I do not possess. It is the strength needed to stand in front of a hall brimming with grieving adults and speak about a man they have just lost. Forever. Strength, however, is not the same as ease. I could see plainly what that strength was costing them as they read. Their voices caught. Their composure held and then did not hold and then held again through sheer will.

In front of them, in the pews, men and women considerably older than them came undone in ways the girls themselves were somehow managing to resist. I went mightily close. Some of the sobbing was quiet, the type people try to fold into a handkerchief. Some of it was not quiet at all, the kind that announces itself whether or not you want it.

Those young women honoured their father with a grace that is beyond me. What they did was astonishing. So, what I am attempting is an observation of a custom I have now watched wound people. This was not the first time I had watched this particular ritual extract more than it should from people already running on fumes. I saw an earlier and harder version of it at a friend’s wake back in 2015.

The first son was called forward to read his father’s tribute, and he could not do it. He tried, but the words would not come, and he stood there in front of a crowd of mourners, with his grief simply refusing to organise itself into sentences. The officiating minister, rather than releasing him from the task, urged him to continue. I sat fizzing with sorrow and ire. He could not go on and, eventually, the minister accepted, but not before insisting a while longer than it should have reasonably taken. His younger brother was called up next, presumably on the theory that if one grieving son could not manage it, maybe another one could. He flunked it in the same way. Grief does not distribute itself more conveniently among siblings just because a programme has been printed and needs to be followed.

I have turned that memory over many times since, trying to work out why this part of the rites is treated as mandatory in the first place. I have not found a satisfying answer. Maybe it comes from a belief that a child’s words carry more weight than anyone else’s, which may even be true, but weight is exactly the problem when those carrying it are struggling to hold themselves together with nothing but adrenaline and the fear of dissolving in public.

Maybe it is simply inertia, the reason we still do a hundred things at funerals that nobody can explain the original purpose of. Either way, I have stopped looking for the justification. I no longer think one exists that is good enough to weigh against what I watched happen to that boy in 2015.

So, let this stand as my instruction rather than my preference, the kind of thing I would rather state plainly now than leave for my children to infer later from how uncertain I sound when the subject comes up in passing. If I do not get the old age I am hoping for, my children will not be asked to read a single word over my body. Someone else can speak for me. A friend, a stranger with a steadier voice and a smaller stake in the loss, anyone whose grief will not be quite so total that standing upright becomes almost impossible.

My children, of course, will sit in front and fall apart if that is what the day requires of them, but without the microphone. That, at least, is one small mercy I intend to arrange for them while I am still here to arrange it.

Dotun deserved every bit of the send-off his daughters gave him today, and I suspect he would have been the first to tell them to sit down and let someone else carry the weight for a while. He did not get a say in that, as none of us ever do once we are the ones being spoken of rather than the ones speaking. Rest well, Dotun. You raised three young women whose strength I will not soon forget. That alone says everything worth saying about the man you were.

 

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‘Tinubu Will Win Again in 2027’ — Charismatic Bishops’ Secretary

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‘Tinubu Will Win Again in 2027’ — Charismatic Bishops’ Secretary

A senior Nigerian cleric, Archbishop Chivir Chianson, has declared that President Bola Tinubu will retain the presidency after the 2027 general election, attributing the prediction to a message he said came from God.

Chianson, who serves as Secretary General of the Charismatic Bishops’ Conference of Nigeria, made the statement while appearing on Arise Television on Saturday.

Rather than basing his prediction on political calculations, the archbishop said his confidence came from what he described as the prophetic role of bishops.

He maintained that the conference had previously spoken about Tinubu’s political future based on what he said was divine revelation and that the President would return for another term.

Chianson also predicted that Tinubu’s performance would improve if he wins the 2027 election.

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Addressing the political opposition, the cleric said the bishops could not be blamed if rival parties failed to unite or organise themselves effectively ahead of the election.

He also sought to clarify the position of the bishops when dealing with government, saying their role in speaking truth to power did not mean they should approach political leaders with hostility or disrespect.

According to him, the Constitution, alongside their religious convictions, should guide how they engage the President and the country.

Chianson said he was sufficiently confident in his prediction to promise that he would return to the Arise TV studio after the 2027 election, when he expects the result to demonstrate that the bishops’ prophecy was correct.

His comments add a religious dimension to the increasingly active political conversation surrounding the 2027 presidential race.

‘Tinubu Will Win Again in 2027’ — Charismatic Bishops’ Secretary

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