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Chief Aderibigbe: The old North’s last custodian is gone, By Farooq Kperogi

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Chief Joseph Adeniyi Aderibigbe

Chief Aderibigbe: The old North’s last custodian is gone, By Farooq  Kperogi

Chief Joseph Adeniyi Aderibigbe, the last of the secretarial redoubts who helped Sir Ahmadu Bello hold together the defunct Northern Region, died on October 22. According to a statement signed by Malam Rafiu Ajakaye, Chief Press Secretary to the Governor of Kwara State, Chief Aderibigbe “died in Ilorin on Wednesday morning, aged 104 years, according to his son Barrister Debo Aderibigbe.”

I first met the man in June 2000 while reporting for Weekly Trust on the renewed agitations for a Middle Belt identity among Christian minorities in Northern Nigeria. As a Yoruba Christian from Erin-Ile, the last town in Northern Nigeria before crossing into the West, who had served as Provincial Secretary (the equivalent of a governor) of Sokoto Province (covering present-day Sokoto, Kebbi, Zamfara, and most of Niger states) and later Kano Province (today’s Kano and Jigawa states), I was eager to learn how he perceived these movements and how he defined his own identity.

In my February 2, 2019, column titled “Even Ahmadu Bello Would Be Ashamed of Buhari’s Arewacentricity,” where I recounted a few intriguing anecdotes he shared with me about Ahmadu Bello and his years as Provincial Secretary of Sokoto, I initially assumed he had died and therefore described him as “the late Joseph Aderibigbe.”

When I interviewed him in Ilorin in June 2000, he already looked quite old. My editor later called to ask if I was certain he was deceased. My search turned up no evidence that he had died, but none that he was alive, either. Choosing to err on the side of caution, I removed “the late” from his name. As it turned out, he lived for six more years.

After Ahmadu Bello’s assassination during the January 1966 coup, his tenure as Provincial Secretary of Kano, his final regionwide appointment, came to an end. When General Yakubu Gowon’s military government later abolished Nigeria’s four regions (North, West, Mid-West, and East) and replaced them with states in May 1967, one of the new entities was the West Central State. This state comprised the present-day Kwara and Kogi states, along with the portion of Borgu that was transferred to Niger State in 1991.

Following impassioned protests from the Northern establishment, the name was subsequently changed to Kwara State.

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Chief Aderibigbe became the first secretary of the newly created West Central State (later Kwara State) and served in that capacity until 1975. Having the opportunity to interview him more than twenty-five years ago remains one of the most memorable honors of my career. He was gracious, intelligent, and remarkably sharp-witted.

In honor of his passing, I reproduce below the interview he granted me, originally published in the Weekly Trust on June 28, 2000, and retrieved from the archives of AllAfrica.com.

Kperogi: You served the Northern regional government at different levels during the First Republic when the sentiment of “one North, one people” was aflame. Today some people in the Middle Belt say they don’t want to be referred to as Northerners. What is your comment on this development?

Aderibigbe: It’s not a new development. In the First Republic, we had the UMBC [United Middle Belt Congress], which wanted a new region from the North. It was led by [David] Lot.

So, there had always been people who felt agitated about certain things in the North, and who felt that the answer was to carve the Middle Belt out of Northern Nigeria so that they could have self-determination. There were also people who were naturally averse to Fulani domination, not because they were not having their ways but because they didn’t just like what they called Fulani domination. They might relate that to the history of the Jihad— what their experience was at that material time. But little did they think of the various changes that had since taken place, which would make them get involved in the new development, instead of reflecting on old sentiments. With the creation of new states in 1967 by Gowon, this eased out. The Middle Belt got more than it was even bargaining for.

Kperogi: You’ve been around in politics enough to know the history and politics of the Middle Belt movement. From your experience, do you think Kwara State, where you come from, fits into the conception of Middle Belt?
Aderibigbe: From the geography of it, it was in the Middle Belt, although the northern North did not regard Kwara as Middle Belt. It treated Kwara like other emirates in the region and treated the Middle Belt as a separate identity.

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So, Kwara was more of an emirate North than a Middle Belt North. Where there were Middle Belt agitations were places like Benue, Plateau and Kabba provinces where the emirate system was not operated. These places formed the core of what was political Middle Belt. But geographical Middle Belt spread beyond those three provinces. It spread to Yola, Niger, some parts of Kebbi, Kwara, and so on.

Kperogi: Now, certain people appear to be promoting conflict between the Northern and Middle Belt identities. What would you call yourself? A Northerner or a Middle Belter?

Aderibigbe: Middle Belt was part of the North. A Middle Belter in the past was as much a Northerner as a Katsina man, a Sokoto man, a Bauchi man. It only distinguished him from his Southern counterparts and associated him with his Northern counterparts. We are Northerners. Still, we are part of the geographical Middle Belt. There is no running away from that reality. It depends on the sense in which you want me to define our belonging. It’s a matter of semantics. Middle Belt is part of the North. There is no doubt about that.

If you are thinking of Middle Belt in terms of people who don’t practise the emirate system, we practise emirate system here, and we differ slightly from Benue, Plateau and Kabbah provinces.

Kperogi: You are from Kwara State which you said geographically belongs to the Middle Belt. If you are invited to the Middle Belt Forum, will you attend?

Aderibigbe: I will, but the constitution does not recognise it. So, it is unconstitutional. If I am thinking of it from the constitutional point of view, I may not want to attend.

Kperogi: You worked very closely with the late Sardauna. What, in your opinion, are the reasons that gave rise to the fears of the minorities in the North? What created the basis for their desire for a Middle Belt region?
Aderibigbe: Left to Sardauna’s administration, there was no solid basis [for a Middle Belt region]. People who were qualified were installed in positions of importance, irrespective of tribe and religion.

But, you see, governments were formed on political bases. You could not be a minister or a chairman of a board if you were not a member of the political party in power. Those who claimed to be marginalised were people who did not belong to the party in power.

People accused Sardauna of Islamic fanaticism. I disagree with that view. He was a devout Muslim. Yes, he had to be. As the great-great grandson of Usman Danfodio who brought Islam to this part of the world, he had to be. [Editorial note: Dan Fodio didn’t bring Islam to this part of the world; he only reformed it in Hausaland. Islam existed in many parts of Nigeria centuries before Dan Fodio was born.] But he was not fanatical. If he was, he would not have employed people like us to strategic and sensitive positions in the North. Silas Daniyan, Sunday Awoniyi, myself and others were Yoruba Christians from the periphery of the North but we were given sensitive security positions to man. We enjoyed higher privileges than our Southern counterparts with whom we had graduated from the university. We were not discriminated against on the basis of our religion or tribe. I was the provincial secretary of Sokoto province! That was the equivalent of a governor.

Kperogi: There is this other age-long contest for the possession of Kwara State between the North and the West. As a Yoruba Christian from Erin- Ile, the last town in Kwara State before getting to Oyo State, what is your position on where Kwara should be?

Aderibigbe: If we want to keep Nigeria together, we should not live on the basis of ethnicity. The fact that a majority of Kwarans are Yoruba does not necessarily mean that Kwara should be part of the South-West. What is the essence of merging with the South-West? It does not make the position or the status of Yoruba better if they go South-West than being in the North. It is a sentimental agitation! It has no economic or moral or political basis.
Kwara had been NPC (Northern People’s Congress) and had been aligned with parties from the North for many years. A majority of people in Kwara don’t want to go to the West. In any case, when they go there, how will they fit into the place? What do we stand to gain going to the South-West? What are we losing by remaining in the North?

 

Chief Aderibigbe: The old North’s last custodian is gone, By Farooq  Kperogi

Kperogi is a renowned columnist and United States-based professor of journalism.

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Lesson from Dotun Oladipo’s Brave Daughters, by Bamidele Johnson

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Lesson from Dotun Oladipo’s Brave Daughters, by Bamidele Johnson

 

I hope to grow old. I want to see my kids become real adults, find their own feet, make mistakes, recover from them, and perhaps one day complain that their own children are giving them grey hairs. I want that plainly stated before anything else, as everything that follows might read as a man agreeing to an early exit rather than a man simply being honest about the odds.

I want the decades. I want to become the grandfather who repeats the same stories until nobody bothers correcting him anymore. But wanting a thing and being granted are different things. The last year has made that difference harder to ignore than I would like. I have lost many friends recently to keep thinking that optimism is my natural resting state. Some of these men had better blood pressure than mine, better habits, better everything that is supposed to count. It did not save them.

There is no formula I know that reliably separates the men who make it to 70 from those who do not. Anyone who says he knows one is selling something. So, I do not assume that old age is an already booked destination. Even if I once did, which I doubt, the last three years have cured me of such an illusion. As such, I treat it as a hope rather than an expectation, and I have found that a more honest way to live.

It is exactly why I want something placed on record now, while I am still able to place things on record, rather than leave it for people to guess what my wishes were in the fog of a funeral week. If I do not make old bones, my children are not to be asked to read tributes at my funeral. Not one line, however short, however lovingly written.

This, for me, was settled today rather than re-opened. At Dotun Oladipo’s funeral service, his three daughters took turns to read their tributes to their dad, and I found myself watching them with awe. There was a kind of strength in them that I do not possess. It is the strength needed to stand in front of a hall brimming with grieving adults and speak about a man they have just lost. Forever. Strength, however, is not the same as ease. I could see plainly what that strength was costing them as they read. Their voices caught. Their composure held and then did not hold and then held again through sheer will.

In front of them, in the pews, men and women considerably older than them came undone in ways the girls themselves were somehow managing to resist. I went mightily close. Some of the sobbing was quiet, the type people try to fold into a handkerchief. Some of it was not quiet at all, the kind that announces itself whether or not you want it.

Those young women honoured their father with a grace that is beyond me. What they did was astonishing. So, what I am attempting is an observation of a custom I have now watched wound people. This was not the first time I had watched this particular ritual extract more than it should from people already running on fumes. I saw an earlier and harder version of it at a friend’s wake back in 2015.

The first son was called forward to read his father’s tribute, and he could not do it. He tried, but the words would not come, and he stood there in front of a crowd of mourners, with his grief simply refusing to organise itself into sentences. The officiating minister, rather than releasing him from the task, urged him to continue. I sat fizzing with sorrow and ire. He could not go on and, eventually, the minister accepted, but not before insisting a while longer than it should have reasonably taken. His younger brother was called up next, presumably on the theory that if one grieving son could not manage it, maybe another one could. He flunked it in the same way. Grief does not distribute itself more conveniently among siblings just because a programme has been printed and needs to be followed.

I have turned that memory over many times since, trying to work out why this part of the rites is treated as mandatory in the first place. I have not found a satisfying answer. Maybe it comes from a belief that a child’s words carry more weight than anyone else’s, which may even be true, but weight is exactly the problem when those carrying it are struggling to hold themselves together with nothing but adrenaline and the fear of dissolving in public.

Maybe it is simply inertia, the reason we still do a hundred things at funerals that nobody can explain the original purpose of. Either way, I have stopped looking for the justification. I no longer think one exists that is good enough to weigh against what I watched happen to that boy in 2015.

So, let this stand as my instruction rather than my preference, the kind of thing I would rather state plainly now than leave for my children to infer later from how uncertain I sound when the subject comes up in passing. If I do not get the old age I am hoping for, my children will not be asked to read a single word over my body. Someone else can speak for me. A friend, a stranger with a steadier voice and a smaller stake in the loss, anyone whose grief will not be quite so total that standing upright becomes almost impossible.

My children, of course, will sit in front and fall apart if that is what the day requires of them, but without the microphone. That, at least, is one small mercy I intend to arrange for them while I am still here to arrange it.

Dotun deserved every bit of the send-off his daughters gave him today, and I suspect he would have been the first to tell them to sit down and let someone else carry the weight for a while. He did not get a say in that, as none of us ever do once we are the ones being spoken of rather than the ones speaking. Rest well, Dotun. You raised three young women whose strength I will not soon forget. That alone says everything worth saying about the man you were.

 

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‘Tinubu Will Win Again in 2027’ — Charismatic Bishops’ Secretary

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‘Tinubu Will Win Again in 2027’ — Charismatic Bishops’ Secretary

A senior Nigerian cleric, Archbishop Chivir Chianson, has declared that President Bola Tinubu will retain the presidency after the 2027 general election, attributing the prediction to a message he said came from God.

Chianson, who serves as Secretary General of the Charismatic Bishops’ Conference of Nigeria, made the statement while appearing on Arise Television on Saturday.

Rather than basing his prediction on political calculations, the archbishop said his confidence came from what he described as the prophetic role of bishops.

He maintained that the conference had previously spoken about Tinubu’s political future based on what he said was divine revelation and that the President would return for another term.

Chianson also predicted that Tinubu’s performance would improve if he wins the 2027 election.

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Addressing the political opposition, the cleric said the bishops could not be blamed if rival parties failed to unite or organise themselves effectively ahead of the election.

He also sought to clarify the position of the bishops when dealing with government, saying their role in speaking truth to power did not mean they should approach political leaders with hostility or disrespect.

According to him, the Constitution, alongside their religious convictions, should guide how they engage the President and the country.

Chianson said he was sufficiently confident in his prediction to promise that he would return to the Arise TV studio after the 2027 election, when he expects the result to demonstrate that the bishops’ prophecy was correct.

His comments add a religious dimension to the increasingly active political conversation surrounding the 2027 presidential race.

‘Tinubu Will Win Again in 2027’ — Charismatic Bishops’ Secretary

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Ejimakor: Kanu, IPOB Members Should Not Be Jailed Over Biafra Agitation

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Aloy Ejimakor, Special Counsel to Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) leader Nnamdi Kanu, has called for the release of people he described as prisoners of conscience ahead of Nigeria’s 2027 general elections.

Ejimakor made the demand while arguing that the continued imprisonment of Kanu and other alleged IPOB members for their separatist position could further deepen political and social divisions in the country.

In a statement issued on Saturday, the lawyer said the Nigerian government should address the grievances driving calls for Biafra rather than relying on prosecution and imprisonment.

He maintained that advocating for self-determination, regardless of how controversial or forceful the expression may be, should not automatically amount to terrorism or treason.

According to Ejimakor, democratic societies should have room for political opinions that are unpopular or challenging to the existing order.

He warned that punishing people for expressing separatist aspirations could create greater resentment and make efforts at national reconciliation more difficult.

The lawyer also pointed to examples of countries and territories where demands for self-determination had resulted in political processes, including referendums.

Ejimakor argued that Nigeria should similarly consider political engagement and dialogue as a way of addressing the Biafra question.

He further criticised what he described as the criminalisation of political dissent, saying the government should focus on resolving the grievances behind the agitation.

The lawyer consequently urged the Federal Government to consider freeing what he called prisoners of conscience before the 2027 elections, arguing that dialogue and a political settlement would offer a more sustainable path to peace.

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