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Farooq Kperogi: Why Moghalu’s exit from ASG matters for Africa

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Kperogi is a renowned columnist and United States-based Professor of Journalism 
Farooq Kperogi

Farooq Kperogi: Why Moghalu’s exit from ASG matters for Africa

When former Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) deputy governor Professor Kingsley Moghalu was appointed last year as the inaugural President and Vice Chancellor of the Kigali-based African School of Governance (ASG), I celebrated the news with effusive optimism.

I thought it was a great opportunity for Africa to nurture a new generation of leaders under the guidance of a thinker and practitioner whose career had consistently combined intellectual rigor with pragmatic vision.

In the October 21, 2024, article I wrote to celebrate his appointment, I wrote: “With Kingsley at the vanguard, I believe ASG is poised to be more than just a school. It will become a beacon for all of Africa that will cultivate the next generation of leaders who will redefine governance and public policy across the continent.”

I was not alone in this hopeful expectation. Many of us saw ASG as a chance to replicate, in Africa, the success of Singapore’s Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, incidentally ASG’s strategic partner.

But scarcely a year into his five-year tenure, Moghalu abruptly announced his resignation. “After several months of toiling in the vineyard of a historic assignment, I will be departing from my role as President & Vice-Chancellor of African School of Governance – ASG,” he wrote on July 29, 2025, in a social media statement.

The announcement stunned observers. Why would a man who had invested his reputation and intellectual energy in a promising institution walk away so quickly?

The official explanation was disappointingly evasive. In a statement signed by Hailemariam Desalegn, former Ethiopian Prime Minister and Chairman of the ASG Governing Board, the school only offered sadly familiar platitudes: “The African School of Governance (ASG) was founded to provide a platform… to train a new African generation of ethical leaders grounded in the values of humility, servant leadership, integrity, and inclusivity. We thank Professor Moghalu for his service and wish him well in his future endeavors.”

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Noticeably absent was any substantive reason for his departure.

When I hosted Moghalu on our monthly “Diaspora Dialogues” podcast last Saturday, I asked him directly why he resigned, but he declined to go beyond what he had already shared on social media, pointing instead to his public statement and that of ASG.

Yet, even in silence, words speak. His statement delicately referenced “challenges regarding corporate governance and institutional and academic autonomy.” Paired with ASG’s coldly impersonal farewell, the implication that jumped out at me is that Moghalu’s departure was not voluntary whim but the culmination of principled disagreements.

Two things, however, are beyond dispute. First, Moghalu’s impact on ASG in less than a year was undeniable. Testimonials have poured in from participants in the school’s inaugural “Transforming Countries” program and from leaders across the continent.

Former Nigerian Information Minister Frank Nweke, African Union Ambassador to Washington Hilda Suka Mafudze, Liberian parliamentarian Taa Wongbe, and many others attested to his transformative leadership. He gave the fledgling institution credibility, direction, and gravitas.

Second, the divergence between his statement and ASG’s carefully sanitized one suggests deep fault lines. Moghalu alluded to structural issues (corporate governance, institutional autonomy, academic independence) that strike at the very core of what such an institution must embody. This contrast evokes an old truth: in Africa, visionary ideas often stumble on the hard rocks of vested interests.

And management theorist Peter Drucker famously said, “Culture eats strategy for breakfast.” If ASG indeed undermined its own governance culture, then Moghalu’s exit is less about one man and more about a structural failure.

Was he brought in as a respected face to lend legitimacy to an enterprise whose true agenda diverged from its lofty mission? Did he refuse to play along with backroom interests that sought to subordinate academic autonomy to political or personal whims? We may never know the answers to these questions, but they demand rumination.

If an institution founded to champion integrity, inclusivity, and servant leadership cannot embody these very values in its governance, what hope does it have of producing the ethical leaders Africa so desperately needs?

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The irony is hard to miss. ASG’s governing board is stacked with some of the most distinguished African and global figures: Donald Kaberuka, former President of the African Development Bank; Makhtar Diop, current Managing Director of the International Finance Corporation; Professor Hajer Gueldich, former Legal Counsel of the African Union; Professor Kishore Mahbubani, Founding Dean of the Lee Kuan Yew School; and Francis Gatare, Senior Advisor in Rwanda’s Presidency.

With such luminaries at the helm, one would expect robust governance and independence, not disputes over “corporate governance and academic autonomy.”

So, what went wrong? Scholars of governance point to three common pitfalls: phantom boards that exist only in name, rubber-stamping decisions without real oversight; boards dominated by their chairs, turning colleagues into mere ornaments; and boards handpicked by CEOs, rendering them unable to check excesses.

The third pitfall is unlikely here. Moghalu was a recruit, not the founder, and had no power to select or shape the board. That leaves the possibility of either a nominal board or one suffocated by its chair.

Interestingly, Moghalu himself was once central to restoring corporate governance in Nigeria’s banking sector after the 2008–2009 financial crisis. As CBN deputy governor, he helped clean up reckless practices that had nearly collapsed the industry. That a man with such pedigree would resign over governance failures at ASG underscores how dire the problem must have been.

Whatever the exact details, Moghalu’s departure should jolt us into confronting a recurring African tragedy: the chasm between vision and execution, between the rhetoric of reform and the reality of power politics. Institutions designed to embody excellence are too often hamstrung by fragile egos, compulsive control, and short-term interests.

This is not merely about Moghalu. It is about what kind of institutions we are capable of building. If ASG, endowed with international partnerships, global visibility, and an A-list board, cannot protect its independence, what hope exists for less celebrated African initiatives?

As we reflected on this issue with my friend Professor Moses Ochonu, who teaches African History at Vanderbilt University, we agreed that we need a bold alternative: a truly independent, private-sector-driven, pan-African institute for leadership training.

Unlike ASG, such a body would not be beholden to governments, political patrons, or a single foreign donor. It would draw from the intellectual reservoirs of Africans at home and in the diaspora, free from the suffocating influence of political egos.

Imagine an institute located in a neutral hub such as Arusha, Tanzania, a place with symbolic resonance as the site of the Arusha Accords and the East African Community headquarters. Such an institution could embed shared governance, institutional autonomy, and academic independence into its DNA. It could model, not just teach, the principles it seeks to impart.

Who better to spearhead such an initiative than Kingsley Moghalu himself? His experience at ASG, though brief, has given him unique insight into both the promise and the pitfalls of such projects. Freed from constraints, he could help build an institution that truly embodies the ideals Africa needs.

Skeptics might shrug and say this is an internal squabble at an obscure school. They would be wrong. The battle over ASG’s soul is emblematic of a larger struggle: whether Africa will build institutions strong enough to outlive individuals and insulated enough to resist political capture.

If Africa is to rise beyond rhetoric, it must confront the uncomfortable truth that too many of our organizations collapse under the pressure of vested interests. Visionary leaders are often co-opted, silenced, or discarded when they resist.

Moghalu’s exit dramatizes this reality. But it also offers a chance for reinvention. If the continent can learn from this moment and commit to creating leadership institutes immune to political interference, we may yet cultivate a generation of leaders who will not only speak integrity but live it.

Kingsley Moghalu’s sudden departure from ASG is a disappointment, but it should not be the death knell of the dream that gave birth to the school. Instead, it should be a wake-up call. The values of corporate governance, institutional autonomy, and academic independence are not luxuries; they are the very foundations of credible leadership training.

The next step is to build institutions that embody these values without compromise. Moghalu may have lost ASG, but Africa has not lost Moghalu. If anything, his principled exit makes him an even more compelling candidate to lead a new, independent effort to shape the continent’s leaders.

 

 

Farooq Kperogi: Why Moghalu’s exit from ASG matters for Africa

Kperogi is a renowned Nigerian columnist and United States-based Professor of Journalism 

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The world dislikes the weak, by Hakeem Baba-Ahmed

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Former Northern Elders Forum spokesperson, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed
Former Northern Elders Forum spokesperson, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed

The world dislikes the weak, by Hakeem Baba-Ahmed

The world dislikes the weak, by Hakeem Baba-Ahmed

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Our children must be kept away from Obi’s mob

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Vincent Akanmode
Vincent Akanmode

Our children must be kept away from Obi’s mob

Any Nigerian with an iota of conscience would be miffed at the content of a video that trended on the social media during the week. It was the motion picture of three children whose age ranged between 10 and 12 professing to be supporters of former Anambra State governor and presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in the 2023 presidential election, Mr. Peter Obi. Oblivious in their pristine innocence that they were being initiated into the triple crimes of lying, cheating and forgery by those who contrived the issuance of voter cards to them, they heartily flaunted the cards meant only for adults above 18 years, threatening to vote Obi in the 2027 elections like they did three years ago.

Instructively, it was Obi’s supporters, led by the then Chief Spokesperson for the Labour Party Presidential Campaign Council, Dr. Yunusa Tanko, who embarked on a peaceful protest in Abuja against alleged registration of underage voters in the build-up to the 2023 elections.

During the campaign rallies that preceded the 2023 elections, the world had watched with bated breath as a 15-year-old boy identified as Alabi Quadri jumped into the road arms outstretched as Obi’s convoy approached during a campaign rally in Lagos. I was personally alarmed at the stupidity of young man’s action, seeing the possibility of him being hit by the advancing convoy of vehicles. But while I thought it was the dumbest act anyone could muster, Obi, rather than rebuke Quadri’s foolery, alighted from his vehicle, walked towards the scallywag and embraced him in the full glare of cameras. Obviously, the Labour Party presidential candidate was in full agreement that the rascal did very well staking his life for his (Obi’s) presidential ambition.

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Obi, who had earlier prided himself with not giving shishi (a dime), reportedly rewarded Quadri’s foolhardiness with an unspecified sum of money, which later put him into trouble with his colleagues and earned him a stay in Kirikiri prison for about three months after an alleged frame-up for armed robbery by some thugs in his Amukoko (Lagos) neighbourhood, who were said to be angry that Quadri did not deem them fit for a slice of Obi’s cake. They handed him over to the police, who kept him in custody until some human rights activists intervened and secured his release.

Not surprisingly, many other admirers of Obi celebrated Quadri’s display of obtuseness as a heroic act worthy of emulation by anyone worth the helm of the presidential aspirant’s black gown. Little wonder the teenager’s example has since caught on among his followers with other dumb actions and utterances. Last week, another youthful follower of the mob took the malady to the precincts of blasphemy, saying that Jesus Christ would lose if he contests an election with Obi in Nigeria. And rather than condemnation, this reckless delivery has enjoyed the approval of many Obidient members in a country where religion is as sensitive as the mimosa plant.

And before the dust generated by the sacrilegious utterance could settle, another teenager identified as Mc Aha from Imo State said he would gladly sacrifice his father and mother if that was all Obi needed to become the President of Nigeria. Commendably, the teenager’s obviously embarrassed father did not allow his son’s misguided utterance to go without a consequence. Convinced that the teenager’s outburst bordered more on crime than insanity, he ignored psychiatrists and psychologists and promptly handed his errant son over to the police.

I felt a sense of vindication on learning about the young man’s utterance, because a day or two earlier, I had been viciously attacked on Facebook for sarcastically posting that I once thought of becoming an Obidient but was discouraged by the long and tortuous process of having to undergo a surgery that would remove my brain and replace it with sawdust!

The question then arises: what exactly is the Obidient movement teaching our youths? What impact do Obi and his followers hope to make on the impressionable minds of innocent young boys and girls with the negative messages being passed to them by their mostly reckless, aggressive and abrasive older colleagues? A group that has turned discourtesy into an art. A group that has no place for the African culture of respect for the elder. A group to which age means nothing but sheer number. They address the elderly the same manner they do their apprentices and attack statesmen and eminent public office holders with the venom of a snake. A group whose leader is making a career of de-marketing his country and presenting his land of birth as the heaviest burden the rest of the world bears. What impact?

Our children must be kept away from Obi’s mob

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History and psychoanalysis of El-Rufai’s troubles with Ribadu – Farooq Kperogi

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Kperogi is a renowned columnist and United States-based Professor of Journalism 
Farooq Kperogi

History and psychoanalysis of El-Rufai’s troubles with Ribadu – Farooq Kperogi

Given the depth and intensity of the friendship they cultivated over decades, many people are befuddled by why the personal conflict between former Kaduna State governor Nasir El-Rufai and National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu has burst into the open with such virulence. As I’ll show, it’s inspired by deep-seated envy, ego trip and bruised self-construal.

Both were born in 1960 (with El-Rufai being about nine months older), graduated from ABU in the 1980s (with El-Rufai graduating three years earlier), have a reputation for boldness and outspokenness, and were stars of the Olusegun Obasanjo administration.

From the outside looking in, it appears to me that although both men had mutual admiration for each other, the scale tilted a little in favor of El-Rufai. I say this for at least two reasons.

One, according to a recent social media post by presidential aide Gimba Kakanda, who appears to be close to both men, Ribadu named his son in honor of El-Rufai. I am not aware that El-Rufai requited Ribadu’s gesture even though he has had boys. If my assumption is wrong, I apologize. If it’s right, that bespeaks a deep, unspoken, but nonetheless significant inequality in admiration.

Second, on page 358 of El-Rufai’s 2013 autobiography titled The Accidental Public Servant, which has made the social media rounds, El-Rufai revealed that when the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua sought Ribadu’s support to be president and said Obasanjo had already endorsed him, Ribadu rebuffed Yar’Adua, saying, “Well, Obasanjo has not told me, and as far as the presidency is concerned, I have my candidate for president, and that is Nasir El-Rufai. I am going to have to speak to Obasanjo about this.”

So, El-Rufai internalized the asymmetry in their admiration for each other. He took for granted that Ribadu thought higher of him than he did of Ribadu. There can be no greater endorsement of this fact than Ribadu’s perception that El-Rufai was the best Nigerian qualified to succeed Obasanjo.

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However, in 2011, when Bola Ahmed Tinubu was shopping for a young northern candidate to fly the flag of the ACN, he commissioned a public opinion poll to determine which northern candidate enjoyed the most national acceptance, according to Akin Osuntokun’s February 20, 2026, Arise News interview.

Osuntokun not only worked with both men during the Obasanjo presidency, he is also friends with them. Plus, I’ve heard this story from several people close to El-Rufai and Ribadu, but this is the first time it’s out in the open.

Osuntokun’s revelation that the national poll showed Nuhu Ribadu with a significantly higher rating (about 45 percent) compared to Nasir El-Rufai (around seven percent) is consistent with what I’ve heard.

Based on that result, Tinubu backed Ribadu’s candidacy within the ACN. It also marked the beginning of Ribadu’s relationship with Tinubu.

El-Rufai’s exaggerated self-construal of his superiority over Ribadu was badly shattered, and he couldn’t take it. But I am not surprised by the outcome of the poll. It occurred at the height of Ribadu’s popularity in the country.

As I pointed out in a past column, my own paternal uncle, a UK-educated health professional, named his son Ribadu, not Nuhu, in honor of Nuhu Ribadu’s exploits at the EFCC. When I told him Ribadu is the name of a town in Adamawa State where Nuhu hails from, he was surprised. We still laugh over it.

El-Rufai’s ego was badly bruised because he had a hard time accepting that Ribadu, who didn’t think of himself as presidential material in 2007 and who instead thought El-Rufai should succeed Obasanjo, should be considered worthier of being president in 2011 by more Nigerians. As a result, the previously impregnable walls of friendship between them began to collapse irretrievably.

By 2015, El-Rufai rode on the coattails of Muhammadu Buhari to become governor of Kaduna State. According to people familiar with the dynamics of their relationship, El-Rufai studiously used his influence in the Buhari government to exclude Ribadu.

But by 2023, when Tinubu became president, Ribadu got his groove back. El-Rufai believes that the rejection of his ministerial nomination by the Senate on “security” grounds was inspired by Ribadu, who was retaliating for El-Rufai’s own underhanded exclusion of Ribadu during the Buhari presidency.

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Most regular people with no hangups would take it in their stride and wait for their “time.” But El-Rufai isn’t a “regular” person. He must be in on the action or everything must be scattered. So, he set out to do at least three things to get at Ribadu: 1. Show that Ribadu is dangerous and vindictive. 2. Show that he is incompetent. 3. Show that he is a craven fellow who can’t return, much less match, El-Rufai’s lethal rhetorical salvos.

These points overlap. If you are vindictive but are afraid of being seen as such, then you’re a coward. If you’re a coward and you control the security of the country, then you’re also incompetent. If you don’t respond to my personal attacks, it’s because you fear that I’ll reveal more damaging information and also lack the rhetorical and intellectual firepower to fight back, which harkens back to your fitness for the job of protecting the country.

Of course, El-Rufai knows that Ribadu is anything but a coward. In The Accidental Public Servant, El-Rufai recounts an incident from their undergraduate days at Ahmadu Bello University to illustrate what he presents as Ribadu’s boldness.

According to El-Rufai, Ribadu was confronted by an armed robber who pointed a gun at him. Instead of complying or retreating, Ribadu slapped the robber and challenged him.

El-Rufai told the anecdote as an example of Ribadu’s fearlessness and impulsive self-confidence during their student years and to sketch Ribadu’s temperament early on, suggesting that Ribadu’s later public persona as an anti-corruption crusader was consistent with traits visible even as an undergraduate.

In his only public reaction to El-Rufai’s constant personal attacks, Ribadu was conciliatory and even-tempered. “Despite the incessant baiting and attacks, I have never spoken ill of Nasir on record anywhere,” he wrote on February 24, 2025. “This is out of respect for our past association and our respective families. I will not start today.”

El-Rufai’s supporters read the statement, whose grace should have disarmed anyone, as evidence of cowardice. But had he attacked El-Rufai back in the fashion that El-Rufai savaged him, the public, which tends to side with the underdog (in this case anyone outside the orbit of the reigning government), would see El-Rufai as the victim and Ribadu as the villain.

This gave El-Rufai the illusion that he was winning the war and led him to dig in even deeper with that self-sabotaging Arise News interview, which overstepped the bounds of reasonableness and landed him in the hot water he is in now.

In spite of people’s natural predilection to sympathize with the underdog, outside of partisan political circles, El-Rufai’s troubles aren’t eliciting the profusion of support, outrage and empathy anyone else would have received. And it’s because he is being given a taste of his own medicine.

For those who want to sympathize with him, which is perfectly legitimate, I leave you with these words he uttered on January 22, 2012, at the Yar’Adua Center, Abuja, at a presentation at the T2T (Transformed To Transform) Nigeria Conference for Youth Corps Members:

“We have no politics of public interest or public good. And you know the politicians proudly tell you that politics is about interest. If they don’t get what they want, they’re ready to collapse the system.

“Every military coup in Nigeria’s history was engineered by civilians. They have lost elections, right or wrongly. If a politician contests for a position and he doesn’t get it, he’ll not support a party member that got the nomination.

“He would rather move to the opposition and ensure that the person that defeated him fair and square loses the election. So, we have a political culture where the primacy of personal interest trumps everything else.

“Now, what is the difference between human beings and animals? So it is with most Nigerian politicians: everyone for himself, no one for the country, no one even for the party. It’s an interesting political culture. And it’s ingrained. Politicians believe that is the way, that is politics, and to change it will take quite an effort. This is a problem.”

History and psychoanalysis of El-Rufai’s troubles with Ribadu – Farooq Kperogi

Kperogi is a renowned Nigerian columnist and United States-based Professor of Journalism.

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