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[ICYMI] Ilorin and Dan Fodio’s deadstock

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[ICYMI] Ilorin and Dan Fodio’s deadstock

By Lasisi Olagunju

(Published in the Nigerian Tribune on Monday, 15 July, 2024)

Justice Ibrahim Kolapo Gambari, JCA became the Emir of Ilorin in August 1995 and decreed the ‘Kolapo’ in his name abolished. He said he should thenceforth be known and called Alhaji Ibrahim Sulu-Gambari; all former documents remain valid. He gave no reason for his decision but not a few of us thought it was his way of hiding the Yoruba content in the bloodstream of the House of Shehu Alimi, his Fulani roots. When Emir Ibrahim Sulu-Gambari took that unusual, surprising step, little did he know that the day would come when his aunt, Hajia Maryam, married to a king of Kano, and her sons would suffer discrimination and be tagged ‘Yoruba’.

It is the way of toads to detour into any available crater whenever it discovers it can no longer find its way to the stream. The chairman of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) in Kano State, Hashim Dungurawa, a few days ago addressed journalists in Kano and alleged that President Bola Tinubu was working hard to impose the deposed 15th emir of Kano, Aminu Ado Bayero, on the emirate because he shared same Yoruba background with the president. “If the President thinks he will use a few of his kinsmen in Kano and the alleged Bayero’s Yoruba lineage to continue to keep the deposed Emir Aminu Ado Bayero in the state, let him wait for 2027, we will show him that those people will not help him,” Dungurawa warned. When you heard his threats about 2027, you would think that Kano votes mattered in 2023. The votes were like rain water; they were surplus but they were wasted, unhelpful, unuseful to the person they were cast for. The same will happen in 2027.

The Kano NNPP man who spoke is not a lone wolf. He is a member of a preening pack that think themselves special and others of lesser breed. I understand what he voiced out has been in the whispering lips of the sands and boulders of Kano even before the emirship crisis unfolded. They call the deposed emir “son of the Yoruba woman.”

Around here, a child does not claim his father’s compound and disclaim his mother’s homestead. Aminu Ado Bayero is a grandson of the 8th emir of Ilorin; Aminu’s mother was a sister to the mother of the incumbent Ilorin emir. Ordinarily, this long line of Fulani ancestry should be a plus for whoever has it in the Fulani north, but in the peculiar politics of our feudal Nigeria, the Ilorin ruling family would only be recognized as ‘northern’ if they knew their limits. I hope they know now that they are fringe elements and fringe elements can never be allowed to dip their hands into the main bowl of the house.

Hashim Dungurawa, the NNPP chief who said loudly what was being said in whispers, is even said not to be a Fulani himself. He is said to be Hausa – the original owners of Kano before the Dan Fodio Jihad threw them into the sea of the barren street. Did you notice the irony here?

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There is no ‘pure’ blood anywhere. It is 201 years this year that Afonja lost his ancestral throne of Ilorin to the children of Sheikh Alimi, his spiritual adviser and friend. In those two centuries, the children of Alimi, from generation to generation, have remained Fulani only by name, history and ancestry. Mohammodu Odolaye Aremu was a Dadakuada musical artiste of Ilorin ancestry. He died in 1997. He expended a great deal of his career years effusively singing the cultural and political histories of his city of birth for the careful to note and ponder on. Emir Mohammed Sulu-Gambari reigned in Ilorin from 1959 to 1992. He was the father of the present Emir Ibrahim Gambari. Odolaye waxed a record for the grand old man chanting his oríkì. He serenaded him “Alabi Òpó mo gbádùn oko mi ojo/ Súlú Oba gbogbo wa ní Ilorin…(Alabi Opo, I enjoy my lord / Sulu, our king in Ilorin). ‘Alabi’ is a personal Yoruba oríkì; the ‘Opo’ that follows it is the lineage panegyric (oríkì orílè). That lineage is Òpómúléró, the nearest English translation is ‘mainframe’. That is a lineage that feeds stubborn wine to stubborn child and proceeds to send that recalcitrant, drunk child to war. They proudly say they did it to Afonja who went to war never to come back:

Òpó tí ò gboràn, e kojú è síná

Iná tí ò gboràn, e kojú è sómi

Omi tí ò gboràn, baba wa ní á fi pon’tí

Otí tí ò gboràn, e f’ómo líle mu

Omo líle tí ò gboràn, e rán an rojú Ogun

Sebí Ogun náà l’Àfònjá lo tí ò fi padà wálé mó

Omo kèké ta dídùn, aso lèdìdì ènìyàn.

Emir Mohammed Sulu-Gambari was alive when Odolaye waxed his record and called him Alabi Opo. The emir did not ask the bard to shut up and did not say he wasn’t what he was called. He valued and enjoyed the Yoruba content of his existence so much that his children remained valued additions to the cultural assets of the land they inherited while maintaining their links to their paternal ancestors.

It is interesting that people who lost their ‘critical’ voices in the eight years of Muhammadu Buhari’s ruinous reign are now raising their chords. And, Tinubu, because he is a Yoruba man, is the whipping boy for the years of the Buhari locust. What they do with the successor to their Bayajidda II is what the Germans call “den Hund vor dem Löwen schlagen” – beat a dog before/for a lion. They think their throats should be the only expressway to heaven. Dungurawa’s snide broadside to the Yoruba was vilely divisive, provocative and unfortunate but his Kano and Ilorin victims must thank him (and his masters) for waking them up. They (the victims), at least, should be aware now that the butterfly may be winged and fly like a bird, but it is not a bird and won’t be allowed to enjoy bird privileges. It will be interesting to know how ex-emir Aminu, his brothers and sisters in Kano and their uncles in Ilorin took the statement from those they thought were their kinsmen- the authorities in Kano.

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It is very interesting that for the Fulani North, because of the throne of Kano, Ilorin is no longer a Fulani town. God is great. But I commend them. It is always good to drop whatever is not yours no matter how long you’ve held on to it. Ilorin did not start as a settlement of the Fulani; the emirate there is a progeny of conquest. It is a victim of the characteristic Yoruba blind-fight for thrones. They fought and shredded their velvet, the Fulani picked it up and from it sewed an empire. The modern version of how 19th century Yoruba treated their heritage is what you see in Kano and Sokoto today. My friend in Kaduna told me that in Sokoto and Kano after the last elections, deposition of kings was the sole slogan: “Sabon Gwamna, Sabon Sarki” (new governor, new king). And they are working hard at it. That was the Yoruba misadventure that delivered Ilorin to Fulani forces in 1823/24.

There is an irony in some Kano people calling a prince or princess from Ilorin an outsider. The founder of Ilorin emirate, Sheikh Al-Salih (alias Shehu Alimi), was a Fulani who hailed from Tankara in present Niger Republic. It was from there he came to school in Bunza, present Kebbi State in today’s Nigeria. Just like him, Uthman Dan Fodio, the founder of the Sokoto caliphate, and by extension the emirate of Kano, was born in Maratta in the Tahoua region of today’s Niger Republic. An account said Alimi was a contemporary of Uthman Dan Fodio with Jibril bin Umar as their common teacher. But history did not say Alimi started out as a jihadist in the mould of Dan Fodio. He was a simple preacher and itinerant spiritualist who hawked his knowledge and power from one Yoruba town to the other. He was in Old Oyo, Iseyin, Ogbomoso and Kuwo before Afonja, a prince of Oyo, invited him to Ilorin in aid of his independence (rebellion) against his lord, the Alaafin. The rest is well recorded by history.

The more you read Ilorin’s well-documented history, the more you understand the tapestry of its ethnic configuration. There are tomes of materials available to the patient who is also curious to know. There is Ahmad b. Abi’s ‘Talifakhbar al qurun min Umara ‘ balad Ilurin’ (1912) with its critique by H. O. Danmole (1984). There is H.B. Hermon-Hodge’s ‘Gazetteer of Ilorin Province’ (1929). There is H. O. Danmole and Toyin Falola’s ‘The Documentation of Ilorin by Samuel Ojo Bada’. There is J.A. Atanda’s ‘The Fulani Jihad and the Collapse of the Old Oyo Empire’. There is also Stefan Reichmuth’s ‘Imam Umaru’s Account of the Origins of the Ilorin Emirate’ (1993); and then, Ann O’Hear’s ‘Elite Slaves in Ilorin in the 19th and 20th Centuries’ (2006). There are many more from local historians here and there.

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Ilorin has the enviable luck of being a melting pot for all races, “tribes and tongues”. You find there people who would proudly say their ancestors were Fulani or Hausa or Kanuri or Dendi, Nupe, Baruba, Wangara, even Arabs. Yet, they are all ‘Yoruba’ today and they are proud to speak the language. You want to ask why the conqueror speaks the language of the conquered? It is because the Yoruba gene is very resistant to assimilation; the conquerors only got the throne, the soul refused to stay in their pouch. The Yoruba culture does what dams do to their surrounding environment. Their backwaters fester and consume their catchment areas. It is arguably the only African culture that survived slavery outside Africa. Go to Brazil, to Cuba and Trinidad and Tobago, Saint Lucia, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, about 200 years after slavery, descendants of Yoruba slaves there proudly raise the banner of their fathers. That is the case with the essential Yoruba-Ilorin.

While politicians in Kano are busy making identity nooses to hang their opponents, their street is dead drunk with tears of hunger and want. But the people rarely matter in matters like this. They won’t ever revolt; re-vote of their tormentors is what they will do. So, I have no dog in the bitter contest for the throne of Kano. The same should be our reaction to the machete attacks on the traditional powers and privileges of the Sultan of Sokoto by the state governor. At best, I watch events in those places the way I watched Sunday’s epic final of Euro 2024 football match between England and Spain. The Game of Thrones in the Fulani north, from Kano to Sokoto, is therefore, to me, entertainment. We run commentaries such as this only because, as the Yoruba say, it is always good to show the goopy snail that its eyes are caked with mucus.

Krishna Udayasankar, Singapore-based Indian writer and author of ‘3’ – a novel on the founding of Singapore, believes that “no empire lasts forever, no dynasty continues unbroken” How is the Kano kingship crisis going to end for the ruling class in northern Nigeria? When you combine what is happening in that city with the simmering volcano in Sokoto, would you be wrong if you say the signs portend sundown for the elaborate empire built by Dan Fodio in the first decade of the 19th century? No intervention can save that empire from itself. Maybe that elaborate realm has to die for Nigeria to live and thrive.

While the battle for thrones rages on, the Dan Fodio clan got a whole ministry from Tinubu last week. The president called it the Ministry of Livestock Development. I heard their elites’ happy footfalls. Who told the Fulbe that their problem would be over with a special ministry for their cows? Something tells me they know too that they are only interested in the billions that will be pumped into that loss centre. My dictionary says the opposite of livestock is deadstock. Something tells me that is the fruit from that luxuriant tree unless they change their ways. But they won’t change. For them, it is already past midnight.

[ICYMI] Ilorin and Dan Fodio’s deadstock

Opinion

Does it still make sense to trust Tinubu? by Azu Ishiekwene

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Azu Ishiekwene

Does it still make sense to trust Tinubu? By Azu Ishiekwene

This was tough to write. My heart resisted it, but I yielded to my head. The petrol in my car, a 2.0-litre 2012 Tokunbo Camry, was at half-tank the day before writing.

When pump prices went from 195/litre to 617/litre between May and June 2023, I parked my Jeep and, despite being occasionally mistaken for an Uber driver, opted for the saloon, which, as of the third fuel price increase by September this year, cost about 65k to fill up.

After petrol pump price went up again by about 15 percent last week, it would now cost about 80k to fill up the saloon, depending on where you bought petrol from and how badly the pump was rigged.

The changes in petrol price and energy costs have affected everything else, from the price of fish to milk and the cost of bread and grains. Essential medicines are a different thing altogether. Life was hard. But it’s been a nightmare for millions more since President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s government was inaugurated.

Generation crisis

In July, The Financial Times said the hardship under Tinubu has triggered “the worst cost of living crisis in a generation.” The newspaper gave the president credit for tackling two of the most malignant economic problems in decades – the petrol subsidy and fixed exchange rate – but said the shock therapy was so disjointed that calling it “Tinubunomics” would be a joke.

But Nigerians hardly need a foreign newspaper to render their misery in torrid colours. They know this was not the life promised. Tinubu pledged to prioritise security and jobs, tackle the mounting debt, and improve infrastructure when he took office. He came with a pro-business credential and a track record of success in Lagos that was difficult to ignore.

In the last year, however, with millions impoverished by the government’s economic policies and two major nationwide protests against hunger and bad governance, Tinubu’s reputation has taken such a severe beating that promises of light at the end of the tunnel have been brushed aside.

Turn of excuses?

His government has explained that the rot was worse than expected; that whereas previous governments since 1973 said oil money was not the problem, but how to spend it, President Muhammadu Buhari handed his successor an empty treasury, to which the response has been: yours is a continuation of the APC government, deal with it.

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Complaints about post-Covid-19 supply chain problems, long-standing structural problems, the protracted legal challenge to his election, and a hostile opposition have also been dismissed as untenable for a man who said it was his turn to govern.

Temptation

Yet, I wouldn’t write off the government, however tempting. If Tinubu’s shock therapy has been disjointed, and his economic policies severely criticised by a despairing public, the tax-and-spend remedy by The Financial Times, the West’s standard response to budget deficits – apart from the added trope about transparency and corruption – is hardly the cure in Nigeria’s case for at least two reasons.

Apart from severe loopholes, rampant poverty makes it difficult to expand the tax net or improve the yield, except if the government wishes to levy taxes on blood. Poor industrialisation, even de-industrialisation, and heavy dependence on imports, especially food imports, compound the problem and further reduce wiggle room to raise badly needed cash.

For Tinubu to dig Nigeria out of its current hole – and I believe he still can – efforts to restructure government income, including taxes, by repurposing the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) must be matched by policies that create wealth.

Options for compound problems

The government should intentionally target industrialisation and food production, with reduced foreign input. Unfortunately, widespread floods have piled on insurgency and kidnapping to reduce farm supplies and worsen food inflation.

Yet, while elites like me complain the most and the loudest, the measure of Tinubu’s success is not how much petrol I’m able to buy in my car but the impact of government policies on the rural poor, mainly farmers, who make up the bulk of the country’s 220m population.

Tinubu must work with Nigeria’s state governors, who collect security votes monthly before thinking of what to do with it to fix the security problem so that farmers can return. The country needs a system to incentivise farming, one far better managed than the Anchor-borrowers’ scheme under which the Buhari government staged occasional shows of huge grain pyramids that disappeared as soon as the events were over.

Examples from elsewhere

There would be no easy options. Examples of countries that have turned things around show that their leaders defied the norm in pivotal moments. Deng Xiaoping reversed Zedong’s isolationism by introducing market reforms and imposing a one-child policy.

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Lee Kuan Yew ignored Western prescriptions of democracy, even laying down markers for the foreign-owned Strait Times, limited protests, and restricted strikes and industrial actions.

Those who obsess about diversity and size would find India a good example. To the displeasure of the elite, Indira Gandhi focused on rural India. She achieved self-sufficiency in food production, reducing poverty and laying the groundwork for long-term national development.

One thing common to all three but lacking in Tinubu’s government is energy and speed of execution. For example, three months after he announced an interim measure to remove tariffs on grains and essential pharmaceuticals, the Customs have yet to get the memo – or perhaps they have, and it’s been washed up by red tape.

Sitting on the mines

Sadly, oil isn’t about to take the backstage soon. Yet, our assets, especially oil mining leases in seven blocks, including OML 111 and disputed Pan Ocean assets, have been poorly managed by NNPCL. The corporation that ought to be alarmed at divestments from the upstream and midstream is too busy piling on the government’s debt by brokering crude-for-loan deals to think of what to do with massive, fallow oil assets that it has cornered since 2009.

Experts estimate that prudent management of these assets could increase Nigeria’s production quota by between 500kbpd and 1mbpd and improve the pool of investible funds. How and why, despite his experience in the oil industry, Tinubu indulges NNPCL’s damaging and scandalous incompetence, only he can explain.

Eat that frog!

But I’m not giving up on him yet. I’m hoping he was playing politics when the political pressure group, the Patriots, led by the statesman Chief Emeka Anyaoku, visited him, and he said he needed to fix the economy before restructuring the country.

Except he prioritises that, the current system, which puts revenue sharing ahead of innovation, competition, production and reward, but instead creates a phantom of Abuja as Father Christmas, will continue to retard the country’s progress.

It’s not Tinubu’s fault that the states are yoked to Abuja. However, he cannot make any lasting changes, keep his election promises on security, jobs, the economy, or infrastructure or even inspire the states to depart their waywardness without changing how the country is governed.

He starts to lose me, not when I pay a higher petrol price but when his actions show, irretrievably, that despite his solid credentials as an advocate of restructuring, he is determined to put the cart before the horse.

Does it still make sense to trust Tinubu? By Azu Ishiekwene

Ishiekwene is Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIP and author of the book Writing for Media and Monetising It.

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Tinubu, Remi and Akpabio mocking Nigerians’ hardship, By Farooq Kperogi

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Farooq Kperogi

Tinubu, Remi and Akpabio mocking Nigerians’ hardship, By Farooq Kperogi

The torment of incessantly escalating petrol prices and the consequent surge in the cost of everything have plunged Nigerians into a precipitous decline in quality of life. This dire situation is exacerbated by insensitive, almost mocking remarks from those responsible for inflicting this pain.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, aptly nicknamed “T-Pain,” recently stated from London that Nigerians would, in the future, appreciate the wisdom of his “reforms.” Such a statement is both callous and mendacious.

It is callous because these “reforms” are literally destroying the livelihoods of millions and causing the deaths of many. What possible benefit could the deceased derive from economic reforms that precipitated their untimely demise?

It is mendacious because, as evidenced by the history of Structural Adjustment Programs (SAP) in Nigeria—and the experiences of other nations implementing similar neoliberal economic reforms—such policies invariably erode the middle class, exacerbate poverty among the lower classes, yet please the markets, thereby benefiting the upper classes.

Almost without exception, neoliberal policies—such as the elimination of subsidies, deregulation, reductions in social spending, and fiscal austerity—exacerbate economic inequality and hinder sustainable development in developing economies. These policies often benefit large corporations and the wealthy, which creates an inequitable concentration of wealth in the hands of a few and widens the chasm between the rich and the poor.

Thus, the deferred benefits for which Tinubu wants Nigerians to endure mass deaths and hopelessness are the opening of Nigerian markets to international competition—which may please global markets but will overwhelm local businesses lacking the resources and technology to compete—and the freeing up of resources to invest in infrastructure.

However, the reality is that contemporary Nigeria is inhospitable to foreign investment due to the absence of security, social, and physical infrastructure, and because Tinubu’s policies have so impoverished the majority that they cannot afford to purchase what foreign businesses produce. This explains the mass exodus of foreign companies since 2023.

Furthermore, given the culture of endemic corruption entrenched within the upper echelons of power, most of the funds saved from subsidy withdrawals, tariff increases, intensified taxation, and cuts in social programs will likely be misappropriated. The government will still resort to borrowing from the World Bank and the IMF to finance its operations.

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We are already witnessing this phenomenon. Despite massive inflows of cash into government coffers, no new projects are being constructed or even initiated. In fact, governments at all levels are procrastinating over implementing the ₦70,000 per month minimum wage. State governors convert the excess funds they receive from federal allocations into dollars and stash them away, thereby putting pressure on the naira.

Now, the vast majority of Nigerians have resigned themselves to the fact that death, starvation, and hopelessness are the only certain outcomes of Tinubu’s “reforms” and are seeking a way out. Middle-class citizens are saving up to leave the country, and, for the first time ever, even the majority of northern Nigeria’s middle class is investing in plans to escape from Nigeria.

In response, Senate President Godswill Akpabio declared that Nigerians fleeing the blazing neoliberal hellhole that Tinubu has created are ungrateful and unpatriotic cowards who should be stopped. “I believe people should place love for their country above financial gains. That is why many of us choose to remain here,” he said.

Akpabio and his ilk choose to stay in Nigeria not out of love for the country but because they thrive off it and are insulated from the harm they inflict upon it. The professionals leaving Nigeria in droves are not doing so because they lack love for their country. They love their country; they simply abhor the raging neoliberal inferno it has become. It is insulting to suggest, as Akpabio did, that Nigerian emigrants are motivated by base and unpatriotic motives. Even more insulting is Akpabio’s proposed solution to halt emigration: that dissatisfied Nigerians should reduce the number of cars they own.

At times, one wonders whether Akpabio retains any functioning brain cells.

Meanwhile, Remi Tinubu, Bola Tinubu’s wife, continued this pattern of insulting Nigerians amidst their suffering. On Thursday, she told the Ooni of Ife that her husband is not responsible for Nigeria’s current travails, which contradicts her husband’s own acceptance of responsibility for the hardships Nigerians are enduring—with a promise of an illusory better tomorrow as compensation for the pain he is inflicting.

“We are just 18 months into our administration,” she said. “We are not the cause of the current situation. We are trying to fix it and secure the future.”

She then inverted logic, implying that Nigerians are suffering not because her husband has increased petrol prices more times and at higher rates than any previous president, but because prior presidents did not do what her husband is doing.

“We know that subsidy has been removed, but with God on our side, in the next two years, Nigeria will be greater than this,” she said. “Those who attempted removing subsidies before could not see it through. But with your prayers in the next two years, we will build a nation for the future.”

The rage that overcame me upon reading this is beyond description. Do these insensate individuals utilize their cognitive faculties at all?

I have long harbored a suspicion that the upper echelons of Nigeria’s power structure have been displeased with the emergence of a middle class since 1999. The markers of middle-class status—such as car and home ownership, fine dining, foreign education, and sartorial sophistication—have deprived the upper class of privileges they believed should remain exclusive to them.

In the early 2000s, they used to speak derisively of “Obasanjo drivers”—individuals who could afford to own cars due to minimum wage increase and arrears of the minimum wage during Olusegun Obasanjo’s presidency. It isn’t Obasanjo who gave people cars or created the middle class, of course. By its nature, practice of democracy creates certain jobs and circulates opportunities that foster the middle class.

Now, Tinubu’s neoliberal policies are eradicating the middle class and plunging the poor into deeper, more excruciating poverty, reminiscent of the days of military dictatorship. I wonder how much longer this can continue. Yet we will be observing from afar, as nothing that is happening now comes as a shock. I forewarned that this would occur even before Tinubu assumed power.

Tinubu, Remi and Akpabio mocking Nigerians’ hardship, By Farooq Kperogi

Farooq Kperogi is a renowned columnist and United States-based professor of journalism.

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The Logic and Magic of Integrated Marketing Communications in the Promotion of Rotary Public Image

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(L-R) District Governor Rotary International District 9111, Dr. Wole Kukoyi; Keynote Speaker, President AAAN and HASG, Mr. Lanre Adisa, MD Noah’s Ark Communications Ltd; and Past District Governor, Rotarian Omotunde Lawson during Public Image Training Seminar organized by Rotary District 9111 on the theme: Integrated Marketing Communications (IMC) as Magic for Public Image promotion in Rotary held recently at Ikeja-GRA, Lagos.

The Logic and Magic of Integrated Marketing Communications in the Promotion of Rotary Public Image

By Lanre Adisa

I feel highly honoured to have been invited to share my thoughts with you on the theme of Integrated Marketing Communications (IMC) Strategy as Magic for Public Image Promotion in Rotary. For starters, let me state clearly that I do not possess the magical acumen of Houdini, neither do I possess that of Professor Peller.

But I must state that the use of the word Magic is not out of place for those of us in marketing communications.

When developing campaigns, we often talk about logic and magic; logic being the empirical input that feeds the work we embark on for every new brief we receive from our clients; and magic being the outcome when it’s done in a way that beats everyone’s imagination.

This maverick of an outcome is so good, you don’t see it coming. This is the nirvana we all aspire to for every work we embark on in brand building.

The impact of every magical performance is often determined by the richness of the materials at the disposal of the performer as well as the prowess of the latter.

For this, let’s beam the light on Brand Rotary for a while. It’s not often that we as practitioners are given the opportunity to work on iconic brands. In the nonprofit space, it goes without saying that Brand Rotary is one of the most iconic one can find.

Worldwide, Rotary will be 120 years old next year. The year after that, it will be 65 years in Nigeria.

Its iconic status has not been earned just by the years of its existence, but more by the impact of its work globally and locally.

Founded in 1905 by Paul P. Harris as a business networking club, it has since evolved into one of the strongest movements for good around the world driven by its core mission of “Service Above Self”.

Here in Nigeria and globally, that mission has given birth to a lot of laudable programmes in the fields of education, health, water and sanitation. Perhaps the most ambitious and most impactful is the Rotary PolioPlus campaign.

Through its work with its members spread across the globe and a handful of partners, over 3 billion children have been vaccinated and over 20 million cases of paralysis arising from the effect of polio have been averted. And this is just taking on one area of intervention.

As laudable as the eradication of a disease like polio is, if we were to ask ten people outside the Rotary fold to list the organisations responsible for this feat, how many of them will mention Rotary? For me personally, when I think of polio eradication, Rotary doesn’t come to my mind first.

Whatever the answer to this question may be, it doesn’t negate the great work Rotary is doing for humanity. However, it doesn’t deliver the right value in the mind space of the different publics Brand Rotary will hope to appeal to.

Why is this so? The world has changed so drastically from 1905 and it keeps changing as we speak. The contest for the attention of the public has never been as frenetic as we are experiencing today.

So, if we all agree that the destination for every form of communication is magic, in a highly media-fragmented world that we live in, it’s safe to say that IMC is our magic wand.

The concept of IMC came about as a result of the proliferation and fragmentation of communications channels in the 20th century.

For brands to make sense of emerging media channels like the fast-expanding cable TV channels and digital technologies, there was a need for consistent messaging across all the different pertinent channels a brand has decided to use from the multitude of options available to it.

The term Integrated Marketing Communications was coined by marketing scholars and practitioners in the 1990s, driven by the American Association of Advertising Agencies (4A’s).

Don Schultz, an American Professor of Communications, who wrote a landmark book on the subject, Integrated Marketing Communications: Putting It Together and Making It Work (1993), is often regarded as the father of IMC. As defined by the 4A’s in the 1990s, “IMC is a comprehensive plan that combines various communication disciplines- advertising, public relations, direct marketing and sales promotion- to create a clear consistent and unified message for maximum impact.” The three things to note in this definition are:

A comprehensive plan

A clear and consistent unified message

Maximum impact

With the super pervasive reach of digital technologies, best represented by a plethora of social media platforms, the need for a comprehensive plan with a clear and consistent unified message delivering maximum impact cannot be overemphasised, no matter how big or small your media budget may be.

HOW CAN WE BRING IMC TO WORK MAGIC FOR ROTARY?

The Power of Consistency: The magic of IMC is in its ability to integrate various communication channels to create a unified and consistent message. Through this consistent messaging, trust and recognition are built over time. In today’s fragmented media landscape this is one way Rotary can rise above the noise. It will require being smart with whatever resources are available for each campaign. It will also require determining which particular communication channels will most effectively deliver the goods. Each media platform, be it social media or traditional media, must be selected and used with well spelt out goals and expectations on how it amplifies the message. The Rotary PolioPlus easily comes to mind in this regard. If this campaign were to be launched newly in this era, how would we go around it?

Storytelling as a Spell: We all grew up with stories. Nothing can be as captivating and engaging as a well told story. In truth, a relatable story can be spell-binding. People want to identify with the people in your story, and by extension, your cause, once they can relate with them.

This is something that comes easy for nonprofits. For instance, while a documentary or generalist content on World War II may give us reasons to think of the horrors of that human tragedy, we tend to be moved more about the accounts of that war when we are exposed to the stories and ordeals of the individuals who lived through that period.

It’s the reason why a film like Schindler’s List or Saving Private Ryan will leave a more longstanding impact on us than hundreds of generalist narratives of the war.

A good example of this is the Make A Wish Foundation in the US. Using emotional stories, it is able to raise funds by telling powerful emotional stories of children living with severe ailments, using cross-platform integration, while helping the children to attain their wishes.

The Magic of Multichannel Synergy: The use of multiple channels like email, social media and PR is one good way of amplifying the message.

We must determine the role of each platform in a way that complements one another while deepening the reach of the message.

We must coordinate our campaign in a way that ensures a ripple effect that helps to boost reach and engagement, especially when we have a limited budget.

Authenticity as the Magic Ingredient: To earn the respect and trust of the public, any brand worth its salt must be seen to be inherently authentic. Being authentic engenders genuine connections and transparency between a brand and its target audience.

Authenticity helps define your brand character, helping your audience to know what you stand for. Doing anything out of character will be easily flagged by your audience and this could come with serious consequences.

The moral here is that to keep the magic going, you must genuinely be yourself. When people are asked what Rotary stands for, our target audience must be able to answer that from what they’ve known Rotary to stand for over time. And nothing captures this better than the Rotary Four-Way Test

Is it the truth?

Is it fair to all concerned?

Will it build good will and better friendships?

Will it be beneficial to all concerned?

One good example of authenticity in action is UNICEF and its focus on the world’s children. Almost everybody knows that UNICEF is all about the children of the world. This authentic association is captured in its campaign “For Every Child”.

Target Audience Enhancement: One key asset that can aid the impact of IMC for Rotary is its extensive network of clubs across different strata globally and locally. This helps connect the message to its intended target and the general public most effectively.

The cumulative effect of these clubs projecting a singular message using global and local channels is invaluable. The trick here is ensuring that the message doesn’t get diluted in any way. The versatility of this vast network also lends itself easily to the nuancing of the message to the different strata of the network based on their sociocultural context.

Impact Measurement- The Magic Proof: It is not enough to have a spellbinding message cascading through our network of multiple clubs. In today’s world, we must be able to measure the impact of our magic.

Who are we reaching? Are we delivering the intended message? Is our messaging eliciting the right kind of action or responses from our audience? For this we need to deploy digital tools that can help us measure the impact of our campaigns from engagement to donations, down to volunteer/new members sign-ups. The lessons from one campaign can help us plan better and smarter for subsequent ones. This way, we can start working towards a magic formula.

Community Building as a Magical Force: One way a nonprofit can stay sustainable is by building a community around its causes. With its brand legacy spanning over a hundred years, this should not be of any challenge to Rotary.

In reality, engaged communities are the backbone of nonprofit. What IMC does is nurture these relationships over time. This is composed of not just the Rotary family, but also those whose values align with that of Rotary. It will also include those who have benefited directly or indirectly from the impact of Rotary’s work.

Observations & Recommendations

Before I wrap up, I believe it’s important to bring up some points for consideration.

Thought Leadership/Ownership of Causes: In as much as being around for a long time is a strength, it can also create a sense of overfamiliarity which in turn may translate to indifference on the part of your audience.

If you take the case of the PolioPlus campaign, while it is commendable that Rotary had a long running global campaign for the eradication of this disease, when the campaign got to its climax, for those outside of the Rotary circle, Rotary was not first to mind when one considered those in the forefront of polio eradication.

The public heard more of the Melinda & Bill Gate Foundation than any other organisation. Bill Gate became more of the face of that eradication in this part of the world than anyone else. I’m not basing this on any empirical data; it’s more of my observation of the public space. It begs the question, who is/are the face(s) of Rotary as regards its different causes in Nigeria?

The Need for Tactical Campaigns: Sadly, with the advent of social media and its retinue of influencers, there is a drift towards short-termism in brand building. Social media in particular is filled with thousands of initiatives and campaigns of different sorts. When you consider a campaign like the Earth Hour by the WWF, the single-mindedness of this one-hour activation is truly magic. The awareness generated around the issue of sustainability through the preservation of the environment from switching off the light by individuals and corporate entities at a designated day and hour around the world speaks to effectiveness.

Within the context of globally agreed causes within the Rotary world, what opportunities can we explore locally to create the sort of impact that is unmissable. A quick look through the Rotary social media pages at the moment doesn’t leave one with a sense of impact. Rather, it’s more of an album of activities.

Nuancing and Contextualising Global Messages: Being part of a global network is a great advantage. This affords Rotary the power to drive one singular message across the nooks and crannies of the world. While the thrust of the message may be the same everywhere, it is not likely for the context to be the same. It’s for this reason that deliberate attempts must be made to localize global campaigns. This will make the campaigns more relatable and much more effective in delivering the desired outcomes. This will also lead to talkability.

Aiming For Impact Beyond Rotary: I personally commend Rotary for its foresight in establishing Rotaract clubs as a way of attracting the next generation. However, one still gets the sense that Rotary activities are confined to the world of Rotary as regards their reach.

It is important that Rotary deploys media-neutral ideas that deliberately target non-members, especially the youth, using the most relevant platforms that they can relate with to enable them take interest in Rotary as an entity as well as support their activities. This is when the magic of IMC really does its job.

A good example of this is another brilliant campaign from the WWF titled #Last Selfie. Using the Snap Chat platform, pictures of different animals that are likely to go extinct were posted to users of the platform that disappeared in seconds.

They ended with messages stating this may be the last time they are seen without any support. This same campaign reached over 120 million users on Twitter (now X). The WWF was able to raise their monthly donation target within a week of the campaign.

In conclusion, I would like to commend the founding fathers of Rotary and those of you who have continued to raise the banner of doing good for humanity. Today’s new media platforms may be fragmented.

We have since gone past the age when we all watched the same programme on TV or radio; when newspapers held sway in terms of information and education. Today, the mobile phone could be likened to an extension of our human anatomy. While all of this can appear confusing, therein lies opportunities to find your space and audience as a brand.

What is needed is a well-crafted message with an emotional human angle, delivered through carefully selected channels and deployed to reach your audience wherever they may be. For Rotary, this is the way to keep the magic going.

Thank you for listening. I wish Rotary many more centuries of delivering Service Above Self.

 

* Lanre Adisa is the President, Association of Advertising Agencies of Nigeria (AAAN) and Chairman, Heads of Advertising Sectoral Groups (HASG)

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