Opinion
The Logic and Magic of Integrated Marketing Communications in the Promotion of Rotary Public Image
The Logic and Magic of Integrated Marketing Communications in the Promotion of Rotary Public Image
By Lanre Adisa
I feel highly honoured to have been invited to share my thoughts with you on the theme of Integrated Marketing Communications (IMC) Strategy as Magic for Public Image Promotion in Rotary. For starters, let me state clearly that I do not possess the magical acumen of Houdini, neither do I possess that of Professor Peller.
But I must state that the use of the word Magic is not out of place for those of us in marketing communications.
When developing campaigns, we often talk about logic and magic; logic being the empirical input that feeds the work we embark on for every new brief we receive from our clients; and magic being the outcome when it’s done in a way that beats everyone’s imagination.
This maverick of an outcome is so good, you don’t see it coming. This is the nirvana we all aspire to for every work we embark on in brand building.
The impact of every magical performance is often determined by the richness of the materials at the disposal of the performer as well as the prowess of the latter.
For this, let’s beam the light on Brand Rotary for a while. It’s not often that we as practitioners are given the opportunity to work on iconic brands. In the nonprofit space, it goes without saying that Brand Rotary is one of the most iconic one can find.
Worldwide, Rotary will be 120 years old next year. The year after that, it will be 65 years in Nigeria.
Its iconic status has not been earned just by the years of its existence, but more by the impact of its work globally and locally.
Founded in 1905 by Paul P. Harris as a business networking club, it has since evolved into one of the strongest movements for good around the world driven by its core mission of “Service Above Self”.
Here in Nigeria and globally, that mission has given birth to a lot of laudable programmes in the fields of education, health, water and sanitation. Perhaps the most ambitious and most impactful is the Rotary PolioPlus campaign.
Through its work with its members spread across the globe and a handful of partners, over 3 billion children have been vaccinated and over 20 million cases of paralysis arising from the effect of polio have been averted. And this is just taking on one area of intervention.
As laudable as the eradication of a disease like polio is, if we were to ask ten people outside the Rotary fold to list the organisations responsible for this feat, how many of them will mention Rotary? For me personally, when I think of polio eradication, Rotary doesn’t come to my mind first.
Whatever the answer to this question may be, it doesn’t negate the great work Rotary is doing for humanity. However, it doesn’t deliver the right value in the mind space of the different publics Brand Rotary will hope to appeal to.
Why is this so? The world has changed so drastically from 1905 and it keeps changing as we speak. The contest for the attention of the public has never been as frenetic as we are experiencing today.
So, if we all agree that the destination for every form of communication is magic, in a highly media-fragmented world that we live in, it’s safe to say that IMC is our magic wand.
The concept of IMC came about as a result of the proliferation and fragmentation of communications channels in the 20th century.
For brands to make sense of emerging media channels like the fast-expanding cable TV channels and digital technologies, there was a need for consistent messaging across all the different pertinent channels a brand has decided to use from the multitude of options available to it.
The term Integrated Marketing Communications was coined by marketing scholars and practitioners in the 1990s, driven by the American Association of Advertising Agencies (4A’s).
Don Schultz, an American Professor of Communications, who wrote a landmark book on the subject, Integrated Marketing Communications: Putting It Together and Making It Work (1993), is often regarded as the father of IMC. As defined by the 4A’s in the 1990s, “IMC is a comprehensive plan that combines various communication disciplines- advertising, public relations, direct marketing and sales promotion- to create a clear consistent and unified message for maximum impact.” The three things to note in this definition are:
A comprehensive plan
A clear and consistent unified message
Maximum impact
With the super pervasive reach of digital technologies, best represented by a plethora of social media platforms, the need for a comprehensive plan with a clear and consistent unified message delivering maximum impact cannot be overemphasised, no matter how big or small your media budget may be.
HOW CAN WE BRING IMC TO WORK MAGIC FOR ROTARY?
The Power of Consistency: The magic of IMC is in its ability to integrate various communication channels to create a unified and consistent message. Through this consistent messaging, trust and recognition are built over time. In today’s fragmented media landscape this is one way Rotary can rise above the noise. It will require being smart with whatever resources are available for each campaign. It will also require determining which particular communication channels will most effectively deliver the goods. Each media platform, be it social media or traditional media, must be selected and used with well spelt out goals and expectations on how it amplifies the message. The Rotary PolioPlus easily comes to mind in this regard. If this campaign were to be launched newly in this era, how would we go around it?
Storytelling as a Spell: We all grew up with stories. Nothing can be as captivating and engaging as a well told story. In truth, a relatable story can be spell-binding. People want to identify with the people in your story, and by extension, your cause, once they can relate with them.
This is something that comes easy for nonprofits. For instance, while a documentary or generalist content on World War II may give us reasons to think of the horrors of that human tragedy, we tend to be moved more about the accounts of that war when we are exposed to the stories and ordeals of the individuals who lived through that period.
It’s the reason why a film like Schindler’s List or Saving Private Ryan will leave a more longstanding impact on us than hundreds of generalist narratives of the war.
A good example of this is the Make A Wish Foundation in the US. Using emotional stories, it is able to raise funds by telling powerful emotional stories of children living with severe ailments, using cross-platform integration, while helping the children to attain their wishes.
The Magic of Multichannel Synergy: The use of multiple channels like email, social media and PR is one good way of amplifying the message.
We must determine the role of each platform in a way that complements one another while deepening the reach of the message.
We must coordinate our campaign in a way that ensures a ripple effect that helps to boost reach and engagement, especially when we have a limited budget.
Authenticity as the Magic Ingredient: To earn the respect and trust of the public, any brand worth its salt must be seen to be inherently authentic. Being authentic engenders genuine connections and transparency between a brand and its target audience.
Authenticity helps define your brand character, helping your audience to know what you stand for. Doing anything out of character will be easily flagged by your audience and this could come with serious consequences.
The moral here is that to keep the magic going, you must genuinely be yourself. When people are asked what Rotary stands for, our target audience must be able to answer that from what they’ve known Rotary to stand for over time. And nothing captures this better than the Rotary Four-Way Test
Is it the truth?
Is it fair to all concerned?
Will it build good will and better friendships?
Will it be beneficial to all concerned?
One good example of authenticity in action is UNICEF and its focus on the world’s children. Almost everybody knows that UNICEF is all about the children of the world. This authentic association is captured in its campaign “For Every Child”.
Target Audience Enhancement: One key asset that can aid the impact of IMC for Rotary is its extensive network of clubs across different strata globally and locally. This helps connect the message to its intended target and the general public most effectively.
The cumulative effect of these clubs projecting a singular message using global and local channels is invaluable. The trick here is ensuring that the message doesn’t get diluted in any way. The versatility of this vast network also lends itself easily to the nuancing of the message to the different strata of the network based on their sociocultural context.
Impact Measurement- The Magic Proof: It is not enough to have a spellbinding message cascading through our network of multiple clubs. In today’s world, we must be able to measure the impact of our magic.
Who are we reaching? Are we delivering the intended message? Is our messaging eliciting the right kind of action or responses from our audience? For this we need to deploy digital tools that can help us measure the impact of our campaigns from engagement to donations, down to volunteer/new members sign-ups. The lessons from one campaign can help us plan better and smarter for subsequent ones. This way, we can start working towards a magic formula.
Community Building as a Magical Force: One way a nonprofit can stay sustainable is by building a community around its causes. With its brand legacy spanning over a hundred years, this should not be of any challenge to Rotary.
In reality, engaged communities are the backbone of nonprofit. What IMC does is nurture these relationships over time. This is composed of not just the Rotary family, but also those whose values align with that of Rotary. It will also include those who have benefited directly or indirectly from the impact of Rotary’s work.
Observations & Recommendations
Before I wrap up, I believe it’s important to bring up some points for consideration.
Thought Leadership/Ownership of Causes: In as much as being around for a long time is a strength, it can also create a sense of overfamiliarity which in turn may translate to indifference on the part of your audience.
If you take the case of the PolioPlus campaign, while it is commendable that Rotary had a long running global campaign for the eradication of this disease, when the campaign got to its climax, for those outside of the Rotary circle, Rotary was not first to mind when one considered those in the forefront of polio eradication.
The public heard more of the Melinda & Bill Gate Foundation than any other organisation. Bill Gate became more of the face of that eradication in this part of the world than anyone else. I’m not basing this on any empirical data; it’s more of my observation of the public space. It begs the question, who is/are the face(s) of Rotary as regards its different causes in Nigeria?
The Need for Tactical Campaigns: Sadly, with the advent of social media and its retinue of influencers, there is a drift towards short-termism in brand building. Social media in particular is filled with thousands of initiatives and campaigns of different sorts. When you consider a campaign like the Earth Hour by the WWF, the single-mindedness of this one-hour activation is truly magic. The awareness generated around the issue of sustainability through the preservation of the environment from switching off the light by individuals and corporate entities at a designated day and hour around the world speaks to effectiveness.
Within the context of globally agreed causes within the Rotary world, what opportunities can we explore locally to create the sort of impact that is unmissable. A quick look through the Rotary social media pages at the moment doesn’t leave one with a sense of impact. Rather, it’s more of an album of activities.
Nuancing and Contextualising Global Messages: Being part of a global network is a great advantage. This affords Rotary the power to drive one singular message across the nooks and crannies of the world. While the thrust of the message may be the same everywhere, it is not likely for the context to be the same. It’s for this reason that deliberate attempts must be made to localize global campaigns. This will make the campaigns more relatable and much more effective in delivering the desired outcomes. This will also lead to talkability.
Aiming For Impact Beyond Rotary: I personally commend Rotary for its foresight in establishing Rotaract clubs as a way of attracting the next generation. However, one still gets the sense that Rotary activities are confined to the world of Rotary as regards their reach.
It is important that Rotary deploys media-neutral ideas that deliberately target non-members, especially the youth, using the most relevant platforms that they can relate with to enable them take interest in Rotary as an entity as well as support their activities. This is when the magic of IMC really does its job.
A good example of this is another brilliant campaign from the WWF titled #Last Selfie. Using the Snap Chat platform, pictures of different animals that are likely to go extinct were posted to users of the platform that disappeared in seconds.
They ended with messages stating this may be the last time they are seen without any support. This same campaign reached over 120 million users on Twitter (now X). The WWF was able to raise their monthly donation target within a week of the campaign.
In conclusion, I would like to commend the founding fathers of Rotary and those of you who have continued to raise the banner of doing good for humanity. Today’s new media platforms may be fragmented.
We have since gone past the age when we all watched the same programme on TV or radio; when newspapers held sway in terms of information and education. Today, the mobile phone could be likened to an extension of our human anatomy. While all of this can appear confusing, therein lies opportunities to find your space and audience as a brand.
What is needed is a well-crafted message with an emotional human angle, delivered through carefully selected channels and deployed to reach your audience wherever they may be. For Rotary, this is the way to keep the magic going.
Thank you for listening. I wish Rotary many more centuries of delivering Service Above Self.
* Lanre Adisa is the President, Association of Advertising Agencies of Nigeria (AAAN) and Chairman, Heads of Advertising Sectoral Groups (HASG)
Opinion
Farooq Kperogi: Petrol is cheaper in Atlanta than in Nigeria
Farooq Kperogi: Petrol is cheaper in Atlanta than in Nigeria
This week, as I refueled my car, I couldn’t help but be struck by the sharp contrast between petrol prices here in Metro Atlanta and in Nigeria.
In Metro Atlanta, fuel prices hover at $2.70 per gallon, which is equivalent to around 67 cents per liter. (Four liters make up a gallon.) Translating this into naira reveals a stark discrepancy.
At the current exchange rate of 1,647 naira to the dollar, a gallon of petrol in Atlanta equates to approximately 5,200 naira or 1,102 naira per liter. That’s astonishingly cheaper than Nigeria’s prevailing rate of around 1,300 naira per liter.
This disparity grows even more troubling in light of the wildly differential minimum wage standards between Nigeria and the United States. In the United States, the federal minimum wage is $7.25 per hour, which amounts to roughly $1,200 a month. Converted into naira, this comes to nearly 1,974,000 (one million, nine hundred and seventy four thousand) naira.
Note that almost no one earns the minimum wage. Even the lowest remunerated workers here earn above the minimum wage. For example, my 16-year-old daughter who works at an entertainment restaurant chain on weekends earns $13 an hour.
Meanwhile, the federal minimum wage in Nigeria is a piddling 70,000 naira, or around $42.55. In other words, Nigerians with a minimum wage of 70,000 per month pay a higher rate at the pump than Atlantans with a minimum wage of 1.9 million naira per month.
When one presents these figures, defenders of past and present Nigerian regimes— and clueless, stonyhearted neoliberal evangelists— often argue that it’s fruitless to compare Nigeria with the United States, the world’s largest economy.
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Yet, it’s worth noting that the U.S. does not indulge in the luxuries afforded to Nigeria’s ruling political elites. For instance, while American presidents pay for their own meals, including the meals of their guests, Nigeria allocates billions for the upkeep of its first families.
Such contrasts illustrate not merely economic differences but also the broader question of public accountability and fiscal priorities.
In much of the developed world, government subsidies for fuel are deemed vital, particularly where public transport systems are not robust. In the U.S., for example, state governments sometimes provide targeted subsidies to cushion residents from high fuel prices.
The lower fuel prices in America are facilitated by state subsidies aimed at counterbalancing a lack of comprehensive public transit options, as is the case in Western Europe.
For instance, the governor of Georgia, Governor Brian Kemp, recently decided to suspend fuel taxes in Georgia following Hurricane Helene, which temporarily reduced petrol prices to around $2.50 per gallon. This is typical all over the United States.
The Center for Investigative Reporting found that the true cost of petrol in the United States is $15 per gallon, that is, $3.75 per liter. Converted into naira, that would amount to 24,648.90 naira per gallon or 6,162.23 naira per liter. But the average pump price of petrol in the United States is $3.16 per gallon.
(Gas prices can vary greatly within each state, with Texas having the lowest price of $2.669 per gallon and California the highest price at $4.68 per gallon. Note that California’s minimum wage is more than twice the federal minimum wage at $16.00 an hour.)
Americans don’t pay the actual cost of petrol because their state governments spend billions to subsidize their petrol consumption. According to the IMF, which has demonized fuel subsidies in the developing world, compelled governments to remove subsidies, and recruited scorn-worthy traitors to brainwash poor people into accepting that subsidies are bad for them, the United States spent $757 billion in fossil fuel subsidies in 2022 alone.
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Globally, the IMF said, “subsidies surged to a record $7 trillion [in 2022] as governments supported consumers and businesses during the global spike in energy prices caused by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the economic recovery from the pandemic.” That represents 7 percent of global GDP.
U.S. state governments spent a significant sum on fuel subsidies, largely as part of measures to alleviate the impact of elevated energy costs. These measures included gas tax holidays, direct consumer grants, and discounts, aiming to shield residents from the global surge in fuel prices following supply disruptions caused by international events like the Ukraine crisis.
These interventions illustrate the fiscal lengths governments are willing to go to stabilize fuel costs for their citizens amid economic challenges.
Countries as diverse as Egypt and Indonesia have similarly leveraged fuel subsidies to maintain price stability, alleviate poverty, and stimulate their economies. These examples illuminate a fundamental principle that subsidies, when properly managed, can serve as powerful tools to bridge income disparities and invigorate economic growth.
But not in Nigeria. Nigerians face relentless economic strain despite residing in an oil-producing nation. It’s a country where, somehow, people have been persuaded by a sophisticated mob of well-compensated spin doctors that exorbitant fuel prices are an unavoidable reality to which they must resign themselves.
For a resource-rich nation, which is also among the poorest globally, this is a bitter, disconcerting irony.
Those who denounce subsidies as inefficacious or detrimental often betray a limited understanding of their societal role, or worse, they may advocate for policies that consolidate wealth at the top.
In societies grappling with inequality, subsidies can mean the difference between bare survival and a modest but dignified life for millions.
To disparage such measures, particularly in a nation with profound economic inequalities, is to endorse a vision of society that is untenably divided—and to invite criticism that should rightly be directed not only toward them but, if you’ll pardon the expression, toward the legacy of those who espouse such values.
It is a grave irony, and a deeply unjust one, that the people of Nigeria — a nation abundantly blessed with oil wealth — must endure petrol prices that surpass those of Atlanta, a city in one of the world’s richest nations. This, while the average Nigerian subsists on a minimum wage of approximately $43 a month, a pittance that could scarcely fill a tank, let alone sustain a family.
The removal of petrol subsidies is not merely an economic policy; it is a sentence handed down to the already struggling, forcing countless Nigerians to choose between transportation, sustenance, and survival. The ripple effects are evident in unchecked inflation spirals, faltering businesses, and tragic loss of lives in the wake of avoidable hardship.
To govern is to protect, to prioritize the well-being of the many over the convenience of the few. To abandon subsidies under the guise of fiscal responsibility while the vulnerable teeter on the edge of despair is neither responsible nor just. It is, instead, an abdication of moral duty.
President Tinubu should restore the subsidies minus the corruption, not as a concession, but as an obligation to the people he is obligated to serve. To do so is not to admit defeat but to affirm humanity, to wield governance as a tool of compassion rather than austerity.
After all, what use is a nation’s wealth if it is not deployed in the service of its citizens? Let Nigeria’s oil be a blessing once more, not a bitter reminder of inequalities entrenched and lives disregarded.
Farooq Kperogi : Petrol is cheaper in Atlanta than in Nigeria
Farooq Kperogi is a renowned columnist and United States-based Professor of Journalism.
Opinion
What NNPCL staff revealed about reported revival of PH Refinery – Farooq Kperogi
What NNPCL staff revealed about reported revival of PH Refinery – Farooq Kperogi
Renowned Nigerian columnist and US-based professor, Farooq Kperogi, has linked the reported revival of the Port Harcourt Refinery and the ill-fated launch of Nigerian Air.
In a social media post on Thursday, Kperogi shared his findings after attempting to fact-check claims that the refinery had resumed operations and was producing petrol.
Seeking clarity, Kperogi said he reached out to a friend with expertise in the oil industry, who in turn consulted a staff member of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL).
“The Port Harcourt Refinery guy responded with a single, devastatingly eloquent gesture: he sent him a picture of Nigerian Air,” Kperogi wrote, leaving readers to interpret the cryptic reply.
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The comparison to Nigerian Air resonates with the controversy surrounding its much-celebrated launch, which was later revealed to be a façade as the aircraft returned to Ethiopian Airlines.
Reflecting on the situation, Kperogi remarked, “Reader, I think we both know the translation: dreams may take flight, but some never leave the runway.”
He concluded on a somber note, suggesting that continued optimism about Nigeria’s progress may require an extraordinary tolerance for disappointment: “At this rate, to not give up on Nigeria is to be a masochist with a superabundant love for perpetual emotional self-flagellation.”
The post has sparked a wave of reactions, with many questioning the authenticity of the refinery’s reported revival.
What NNPCL staff revealed about reported revival of PH Refinery – Farooq Kperogi
Opinion
Farooq Kperogi: One president, many spokesmen, and mixed messages amid misery
Farooq Kperogi: One president, many spokesmen, and mixed messages amid misery
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s unparalleled appointment of three official, cabinet-level spokesmen—in addition to 9 other senior media aides— symptomizes an insidious governmental malaise. It shows a government that is obsessed with public relations at the expense of public welfare, propaganda at the expense of progress, and mind management at the expense of meaningful management.
On November 14, Daniel Bwala, the former mouthpiece for PDP’s Atiku Abubakar during the last presidential campaign, was inaugurated as Tinubu’s Special Adviser on Media and Public Communication. This move added him to a line-up that already included Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, who had been informally recognized as the senior spokesperson after Ajuri Ngelale’s dramatic exit, and Sunday Dare, Special Adviser to the President on Public Communication and National Orientation.
Yet, on his very first day, October 18, Bwala brazenly declared himself “the spokesman for the president” to State House correspondents, proclaiming that he was the direct successor to Ngelale. His Twitter declaration further cemented his self-anointment: “Resumed officially as the Special Adviser, Media and Public Communications/Spokesperson (State House).”
Since Onanuga had effectively functioned as the spokesman for the president after Ngelale was forced out of the Presidential Villa, it seemed like Tinubu had no confidence in Onanuga and chose to upstage him by bringing in Bwala.
That puzzled me. I wondered what reputational, symbolic, or political capital Bwala had to earn such an edge. Here’s a man who is deeply resented by Tinubu supporters for his erstwhile caustic attacks on the president and APC during the last election, who is reviled by the opposition for his perceived treachery and mercenariness, and who is disdained by people who couldn’t care less about both Tinubu and the opposition. Such a person is more of a reputational liability than an asset for persuasion.
So it came as no surprise when I read a swift news release from Bayo Onanuga disclaiming Bwala’s self-description as “the spokesperson” for the president. TheCable of November 19 reported that Tinubu was “furious on learning of Bwala’s manoeuvre and immediately instructed Onanuga to issue a clarification.”
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The “clarification” says Bwala is now Special Adviser Policy Communication and Sunday Dare is now Special Adviser, Media and Public Communications. “These appointments, along with the existing role of Special Adviser, Information and Strategy, underscore that there is no single individual spokesperson for the Presidency. Instead, all the three Special Advisers will collectively serve as spokespersons for the government,” the statement said.
Tinubu has by far the largest media team in Nigeria’s history—just like he has the largest cabinet in Nigeria’s history. Yet his government has inflicted the most hardship on Nigeria and demands the greatest sacrifice from Nigerians whom he has already stripped of basic welfare and dignity.
Despite this elaborate roster of media professionals, Tinubu’s government stands as a paradox: the most expansive communication team in Nigerian history, yet the most tone-deaf administration in addressing the agonies of ordinary Nigerians. Like his record-breaking cabinet size, his communication machinery seems less about functionality and more about optics—a poorly orchestrated façade against the backdrop of deepening national suffering.
Historically, Nigerian presidents have managed with far leaner communication teams. President Olusegun Obasanjo had a relatively modest media and communications team. His first spokesperson was Doyin Okupe, who was designated as Special Assistant on Media and Publicity from 1999 to 2000.
He was succeeded by Tunji Oseni whose designation was changed to Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity and served in that role from 2000 to 2003. He was replaced by Remi Oyo from 2003 until 2007.
Apart from these official spokespeople, Obasanjo appointed Dr. Stanley Macebuh as Senior Special Assistant on Public Communications. After firing him, he replaced him with Emmanuel Arinze.
He also appointed Femi Fani-Kayode as Special Assistant on Public Affairs and replaced him with Uba Sani after elevating him to a minister. In other words, Obasanjo never had more than three media/communications people at any one time, and he always had just one official spokesperson.
Umaru Musa Yar’Adua’s had Olusegun Adeniyi as his one and only media person/spokesperson. He is also on record as the first president to elevate the position to a cabinet-level position by redesignating as a “Special Adviser” position.
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Goodluck Jonathan sustained this tradition. When Ima Niboro was his Special Adviser on Media and Publicity from 2010 to 2011, he had no other media/communications person. And when Reuben Abati took over from Niboro from 2011 to 2015, he was the only spokesperson and media/communications person for the president.
The slide into a propagandocracy began with Muhammadu Buhari, who doubled down on PR appointments. While Femi Adesina served as his Special Adviser on Media and Publicity, Garba Shehu operated as Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity. Buhari’s entourage also included social media mavens, photographers, and digital content creators—an unprecedented escalation in spin management.
There was Tolu Ogunlesi (Special Assistant, Digital & New Media); Lauretta Onochie (Personal Assistant, Social Media); Bashir Ahmad (Personal Assistant, New media); Sha’aban Sharada (Personal Assistant, Broadcast Media); Naziru Muhammed (Personal Assistant, TV Documentary); Sunday Aghaeze (Personal Assistant, Photography); and Bayo Omoboriowo (Personal Assistant/ President’s Photographer).
But Tinubu has taken this expansion to absurd heights. Apart from three cabinet-level official spokespersons, you also have Tunde Rahman (Senior Special Assistant to the President — Media); Abdulaziz Abdulaziz (Senior Special Assistant to the President — Print Media); O’tega Ogra (Senior Special Assistant (Digital/New Media); Tope Ajayi – Senior Special Assistant (Media & Public Affairs); Segun Dada (Special Assistant — Social Media); Nosa Asemota – Special Assistant (Visual Communication); Mr Fredrick Nwabufo (Senior Special Assistant to the President — Public Engagement); Mrs Linda Nwabuwa Akhigbe (Senior Special Assistant to the President — Strategic Communications); and Mr Aliyu Audu (Special Assistant to the President — Public Affairs).
Such bloated extravagance sends a disconcerting message about the administration’s priorities during a time of profound economic hardship.
In a March 4, 2017 column titled “Propagandocracy and the Buhari Media Center,” I pointed out that the size of a government’s propaganda apparatus is often inversely proportional to its confidence in its own legitimacy. Tinubu’s indulgence in this over-the-top PR operation signals two troubling realities: insecurity and incoherence.
The insecurity stems from an acute awareness of its own fragility—an administration desperate to control the narrative because it knows it has failed to deliver on substantive governance. The incoherence arises from the cacophony of voices in this unwieldy structure, breeding contradictions, turf wars, and conflicting messages. How can a government unable to synchronize its internal communication hope to connect with its citizens?
At its core, Tinubu’s sprawling PR machine is emblematic of an administration focused on perception management rather than problem-solving. This gluttonous obsession with propaganda, in the midst of soaring inflation, subsidy removals, and austerity measures, is an affront to struggling Nigerians.
Leadership demands more than just the appearance of competence; it demands action. Until Tinubu shifts his focus from multiplying spokespersons to delivering substantive governance, his legacy risks being that of a leader who built a fortress of spin while the people languished outside its gates.
Farooq Kperogi : One president, many spokesmen, and mixed messages amid misery
Farooq Kperogi is a renowned Nigerian columnist and United States-based Professor of Journalism.
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