Opinion
Fayose-Obasanjo: Two eboras dragging same pair of trousers (2)
Fayose-Obasanjo: Two eboras dragging same pair of trousers (2)
Tunde Odesola
(Published in The PUNCH, on Friday, November 28, 2025)
On June 26, 2012, when the Ekiti governorship election was two years and four months away, Ebora Fayose, with the coals of ambition burning in his heart, set forth at dawn by writing a letter from his country home at No. 1, Odo-Ode Street, Afao-Ekiti, Ekiti State, Nigeria. Fayose sent the seven-paragraph letter to Agbe L’Oba House, Quarry Road, Ibara, P.O.Box 2286, Abeokuta, Ogun State, Nigeria, the cave of the Balogun of Owu, Ebora Obasanjo, who keeps grudges and gunpowder warm.
Fayose’s letter read, “Dear Baba,
“There is no denying the fact that my relationship with you has gone sour as a result of my action and inaction, which have definitely caused you embarrassment in public, and this has marred our very good father-son relationship in the past.
“I take responsibility for my overreaction and disrespect to your person, which is most regretted. I am indeed sorry.
“I pray that God will give you the grace to let go of the past, knowing full well that I am human and therefore not infallible, especially considering the circumstances surrounding my removal from office.
“To further buttress my willingness to seek peace with you, I could recall that I had made several efforts to this effect by consulting your close allies in the persons of Aare Afe Babalola (SAN), Chief Omilani, and Pastor Oyedepo, among others.
“Lastly, kindly disregard all insinuations or political blackmail suggestive of my doing or saying anything contradicting my present disposition as contained in this letter.
“My reconciliation with your good self may not go down well with some of my political opponents, but you remain the father of all.
“My wife sends her greetings.”
With high regards.
Signed: Ayo Fayose.
In a four-paragraph letter, Obasanjo, on July 18, 2012, wrote to Fayose, saying, “Dear Ayo, I write to acknowledge the receipt of your letter dated June 26, 2012, pleading with me to forgive you, as you put it, for your action and inaction which have caused me embarrassment in public.
“As for the embarrassment and personal insult to me, forgiveness is divine, and I will not withhold forgiveness since I believe that God will not withhold forgiveness for my inadequacies.
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“However, for me, the personal aspect can be handled by me, but the party aspect has to be handled by the local, state and national levels of the Party.
“I wish you all the best and God’s blessing.
Yours sincerely,
Signed: Olusegun Obasanjo.
The exchange of letters between Afao-Ekiti and Ibara-Abeokuta in 2012 signalled the official cessation of hostilities after the two-time Ekiti governor and the three-time Nigerian ruler had clashed during the 60th birthday anniversary of a former Osun Governor, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, held in Okuku, in February 2011.
But some scars do not disappear even after they heal. A governor, who was scurried out of the Ekiti State Government House, Ado-Ekiti, in the booth of a car like a bag of garri Ijebu, would never forget the ordeal. Neither would an elder publicly insulted by a younger fellow. So, both Obasanjo and Fayose seethed in controlled animosity against each other. Years after his controversial removal from power in the early morning of December 15, 2006, over alleged corruption in a state government-owned poultry business, Fayose contested his removal from office, and the Supreme Court, in April 2015, declared his impeachment illegal.
Fayose, who walked into the dining room of Oyinlola, where political giants like former Head of State, General Ibrahim Babangida; then-Oyo State Governor, Chief Adebayo Alao-Akala, etc, were being fêted, snubbed Obasanjo while greeting other leaders. The birthday boy, Oyinlola, noticed the insult and quickly went to Fayose and asked, “Did you not see Baba Obasanjo?”
“Obasan-who? I don’t know anyone by that name,” Fayose said flatly. “I hope you’re not blind,” Oyinlola countered with jocular seriousness, and added firmly, “Ayo, go and greet Baba before you sit down.” Obasanjo heard the dialogue. And he fired a verbal shot: “I don’t know bastards, too.” If the bullet hit Fayose, he didn’t show it. He only fired back, “You’re a bastard, too!”
After the Okuku exchange came the two letters of apology and acceptance. Two years after the letter-inducing ceasefire, Fayose coasted home to a famous victory in the Ekiti governorship election of October 16, 2014, defeating the incumbent governor, Gentleman Kayode Fayemi, by a stretch. Thus, Fayose became the poster boy of the PDP in the South-West, while Obasanjo maintained his title as the party’s godfather and disciplinarian-in-chief.
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As the 2015 general elections approached, Obasanjo turned into a thorn in the flesh of the President Goodluck Jonathan administration, publicly tearing his PDP membership card, and endorsing the late President Muhammadu Buhari as a better candidate for the 2015 presidential election.
In his controversial three-volume book, My Watch, which was presented to the public on December 9, 2014, at the Lagos Country Club, Ikeja, Lagos, Obasanjo describes Jonathan as clueless, weak and selfish, even as he reserves uncharitable words for former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, a former Governor of Delta State, Mr James Ibori; and a former Governor of Kwara, Bukola Saraki, among other PDP chiefs.
A national chieftain of the PDP, Buruji Kashamu (now deceased), who hailed from Ogun State like Obasanjo, went to an Abuja High Court, where he obtained an order to stop the book’s release, claiming it was fraught with libellous claims. As a result of his loyalty to the PDP and financial muscle, Kashamu emerged as the axehead of the pro-Jonathan group against Obasanjo within the Ogun PDP. The book’s public presentation became the subject of intense national political debate as fever-pitch fear gripped the polity over Obasanjo’s safety. The Jonathan government did not shut down the venue of the book launch as anticipated. I was an eyewitness in the audience.
So, when Kashamu died on August 8, 2020, Obasanjo sent a letter of condolence to the Ogun State Governor, Prince Dapo Abiodun. It read, “I received the sad news of the demise of Senator Esho Jinadu (Buruji Kashamu), a significant citizen of Ogun State. Please accept my condolences and those of my family on the irreparable loss.
“The life and history of the departed have lessons for those of us all on this side of the veil. Senator Esho Jinadu (Buruji Kashamu), in his lifetime, used the manoeuvre of law and politics to escape facing justice in Nigeria and outside Nigeria. But no legal, political, cultural, social or even medical manoeuvre could stop the cold hand of death when the Creator of all of us decides that the time is up.
“May Allah forgive his sin and accept his soul into Aljannah, and may God grant his family and friends fortitude to bear the irreparable loss.”
Signed: Olusegun Obasanjo.
Not a few Nigerians saw Obasanjo’s letter to Abiodun as insincere and sarcastic because of its tone. It is also not on public record that Obasanjo sent a letter of condolence to Kashamu’s family, fuelling the allegation that vindictiveness, and not grief, was the inspiration behind the condolence letter.
As PDP governor in Ekiti, Fayose queued up behind Jonathan, attacking Obasanjo for alleged anti-party activities, saying the former president behaved as though he owed Nigeria. Thus, the two frenemies left the path of peace again and pitched their camps at opposing ends. In an eternal tug-of-war, two eboras forcefully grabbed the same pair of trousers; each thrust his foot in one leg of the trousers, one leg in, one leg out, each struggling, each pushing, each tugging and staggering, whipping up dust in a battle of self-interest. Unmistakably, the battle line was drawn in blood red colour.
Jonathan lost his re-election bid and went back to the creek quietly. The PDP won’t forgive Obasanjo; he’s the architect of their misfortune. Fayose continued to lambast Obasanjo, calling him a corrupt, manipulative and egocentric leader. He demanded a refund of the money he donated on behalf of Ekiti State to the Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library in Abeokuta, saying PDP governors were arm-twisted by Obasanjo to donate state funds to the library, a claim Obasanjo had refuted.
During his first coming as governor, Fayose, fiercely loyal to Obasanjo, climbed a table inside the hallowed chamber of the Osun State House of Assembly venue of the South-West regional hearing on constitutional amendment, ordering out activists like the late Bamidele Aturu, Abiodun Aremu (deceased), and a host of others, who had stormed the sitting, protesting that the hearing was a ruse to guage the people’s feeling on a third term for Obasanjo. South-West PDP governors, deputy governors, senators, House of Reps members, ministers, speakers, etc, were present at the event. I was an eyewitness.
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The above-painted scenario was the state of affairs between Obasanjo and Fayose until the latter turned 65, and he decided to call on Nigerians from all walks of life to celebrate with him. Speaking with me on the phone, Fayose said, “Excuse me, sir, I don’t want to discuss Obasanjo anymore because we are all going to become history one day. But we must be mindful of our legacy. What is wrong with turning 65 and reaching out to everyone to celebrate with you? He wasn’t the only person I invited. Is there a sin in that? I told Osita (Chidoka), who gave me his (Obasanjo) number. I called and informed him about my birthday; he said he wished to come, but that he was out of the country, and I sent him $20,000, only for him to come and start abusing me at my birthday party. I’m not contesting any election. What do I need him for? I do not regret everything I said.”
The Ebora Owu has kept mute over Fayose’s outburst. “A knife cuts the child’s finger, the child flings the knife away. Has the knife not achieved its goal?” Obasanjo’s silence seems to say.
Looking beyond the theatrics of the cat-and-mouse fight between the two leaders, an ominous cloud of bad leadership examples descends, nudging me back to the twin metaphors of accident and misfortune upon which this article is predicated. I repeat, many Nigerian leaders arrive in office by accident, and many are a misfortune in office. Nigeria’s democracy is the government of the few, by the few, for the few.
Many National Assembly members, including Osun-born Senator Ṣola Adeyeye, had come out to say that Obasanjo gave millions of naira to federal legislators to accommodate a third term in the constitution. Adeyeye, who said he didn’t collect the N70 million shared to each legislator, maintained that Obasanjo sought a third term in office.
Fayose jumping on the table and ordering policemen to chase out human rights activists during the constitution amendment hearing in Osogbo, the Osun State capital, showed he was an accomplice, ready to do anything to subvert the Constitution for the President’s interest. This is the misfortune of Nigerian democracy.
The latest outburst between Fayose and his former godfather wasn’t a clash of morality. No. It was a fight of ego, revenge, and self-righteousness. Both clothes are cut from the same cloth, both are dyed deep.
Probably wanting to finally bury the hatchet, Fayose thought 65 was the age to retire from war, but Obasanjo was not only the Balogun of Owu Kingdom, but he was also a war-tested Aloku Soja (Old Soldier), with an unforgetful brain, a tribute some say makes him unforgiving. Ara Owu ki i ranro, awi menu kuro ni t’Owu.
I think Obasanjo was utterly wrong to collect $20,000 from Fayose and board a plane from Rwanda to deliver a baggage of insults at Fayose’s birthday. Fayose going to Obasanjo’s house to invite him was a show of repentance, and OBJ’s acceptance to grace the occasion should have been an enduring lesson in forgiveness. But Obasanjo flunked the opportunity.
Like a foxy old soldier, Obasanjo had his revenge strategy pre-planned. His enumeration of Fayose’s sins on a sheet of paper and his choosing to be the last speaker at the event all evidenced his mission. Either to show purpose or charge himself up, Baba Iyabo, at 88 years of age, ran up the stage, waving Juju legend, Chief Commander Ebenezer Obey, to cut the music. And he began his sermon on the mountain.
Was Fayose’s outburst wrong? I don’t think so, because he didn’t make his response public. Obasanjo did. Who wouldn’t be annoyed? Obasanjo didn’t blast Fayose alone; he lambasted his wife, too, saying the couple lacked integrity – Enyi mejeji e ki i se Omoluabi. What did Ebora Obasanjo expect to get from Ebora Fayose? A bunch of roses? Fayose crowned him with a garland of thorns, instead.
Both Obasanjo and Fayose are leaders whose decisions have impacted the lives of the Nigerian masses, either positively or negatively. Both are community leaders. Both are family men with wives and children. One is in combat with his children in his nuclear family. The other is at war with his siblings in his extended family. Both are our leaders. At various times, they decided the fate we live today.
* Concluded.
Email: tundeodes2003@yahoo.com
Facebook: @Tunde Odesola
X: @Tunde_Odesola
Fayose-Obasanjo: Two eboras dragging same pair of trousers (2)
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Opinion
The Shettima danger for Tinubu, By Farooq Kperogi
The Shettima danger for Tinubu, By Farooq Kperogi
The Shettima danger for Tinubu, By Farooq Kperogi
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Opinion
Don’t Label Oyo Kidnappers as ‘Islamic Jihadists’ – Saudi-Based Nigerian Scholar Warns
Don’t Label Oyo Kidnappers as ‘Islamic Jihadists’ – Saudi-Based Nigerian Scholar Warns
- Says criminality remains criminality, warns against dangerous religious profiling
A Saudi-based Nigerian Islamic scholar, Mallam Ibrahim Agunbiade, has cautioned against the growing tendency to brand criminal gangs operating in Oyo State and other parts of the South-West as “Islamic jihadists,” warning that such narratives are misleading and capable of igniting dangerous religious tension.
In a statement issued on Sunday, Agunbiade, a Taalib (student) at Jami’ei, Islamic Propagation Rabwa in Saudi Arabia, expressed deep concern over the direction of public discourse surrounding insecurity in Oyo State, particularly following the recent abduction of pupils and teachers from three schools in the Oriire Local Government Area.
The scholar specifically referenced a programme on Splash FM 105.5 FM, “State of the Nation,” anchored by Edmund Obilo, where, according to him, repeated references were made to kidnappers and criminal gangs as “Islamic jihadists” allegedly bent on conquering the South-West and establishing dominance.
“Such sweeping and emotionally charged narratives may attract public attention, but they are not only misleading; they are also capable of creating dangerous religious tension in an already fragile society,” Agunbiade wrote.
He described the recent attacks in Oriire as “indeed tragic and condemnable,” adding that every responsible citizen must rise against such barbaric acts. However, he questioned the logic of automatically labelling criminal activities as religious missions.
“Since when did kidnapping schoolchildren become an Islamic mission? Since when did abducting innocent teachers and pupils become a religious obligation?” he asked.
“It is both irresponsible and intellectually dishonest to automatically label every violent criminal activity involving suspected Fulani bandits or kidnappers as ‘Islamic jihad.’ Criminality should remain criminality. Evil should be called evil without dragging religion into matters where religion itself clearly stands opposed to such actions.”
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Agunbiade pointed out what he described as a critical irony: many of the victims of these attacks are themselves Muslims. He noted that among the kidnapped pupils and affected families are Muslims whose lives have been shattered by the same criminals.
“So, how does one logically arrive at the conclusion that these kidnappers are fighting an ‘Islamic cause’ while terrorizing Muslim communities and targeting Muslim children?” he queried.
The scholar emphasised that Islam has never permitted the kidnapping of innocent people, attacks on schools, or the creation of fear and instability in society. He stressed that those who commit such crimes are enemies of humanity and enemies of peace, regardless of the language they speak or the religion they claim.
He further noted that respected Islamic bodies and leaders in Oyo State have openly condemned these criminal acts. He cited the Oyo State chapter of the Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC), which has issued statements condemning insecurity and calling for urgent government intervention. He also mentioned the Grand Imam of Oyo, Sheikh (Barrister) Bilal Husayn Akinola Akeugberu, as well as prominent Islamic organizations including MUSWEN, who have publicly expressed concern and called on authorities to intensify efforts toward rescuing victims and restoring peace.
“These are the voices that deserve amplification in our public discourse — voices of reason, peace, unity, and responsibility,” Agunbiade said.
He warned that when media narratives lean toward religious profiling instead of objective analysis, they risk inflaming ethnic and religious suspicion among citizens who have coexisted peacefully for decades.
“The role of the media in times of insecurity is not merely to sensationalize fear or promote divisive assumptions. Journalism carries a moral burden. Broadcasters and public commentators must exercise caution in their choice of words, especially in a multi-religious and multi-ethnic society like Nigeria. Words are powerful. A careless narrative repeated consistently can gradually poison public perception and sow seeds of hatred among innocent people,” he cautioned.
Agunbiade acknowledged the seriousness of insecurity in the South-West, noting that communities are under pressure, farmers are afraid, travellers are anxious, and parents are worried. However, he insisted that solving insecurity requires facts, intelligence gathering, effective policing, and sincere governance — not religious stereotyping.
“We must avoid turning a security crisis into a religious war narrative. Once criminality is wrongly framed as a battle between religions, the real perpetrators hide behind the confusion while innocent citizens suffer discrimination and hostility,” he said.
The scholar called on government at all levels to strengthen local security architecture, equip law enforcement agencies adequately, improve intelligence operations, and ensure that criminal elements are arrested and prosecuted. He also urged traditional rulers, community leaders, religious institutions, and civil society groups to work together in promoting vigilance and unity instead of suspicion and division.
“At this critical moment, Nigerians must refuse to allow fear to destroy the peaceful coexistence that binds communities together. Kidnappers are criminals, not representatives of any faith. Terrorists are enemies of humanity, not ambassadors of religion,” Agunbiade stated.
He concluded: “The fight before us is not Islam versus Christianity, nor North versus South. The real battle is between law-abiding citizens and criminal elements threatening the peace of society. Anything short of this understanding only deepens the crisis.”
Mallam Ibrahim Agunbiade is a Taalib (student) at Jami’ei, Islamic Propagation Rabwa, Saudi Arabia, and can be reached via agunbiadeib@gmail.com.
Don’t Label Oyo Kidnappers as ‘Islamic Jihadists’ – Saudi-Based Nigerian Scholar Warns
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Opinion
IGP Disu: Inside the rotting walls of Zone II
IGP Disu: Inside the rotting walls of Zone II
Tunde Odesola
(Published in The PUNCH, on Friday, May 22, 2026)
Except for its motto and morality, there is hardly anything wrong with the Nigeria Police Force. If burnished in the furnace of grammar, the statement, “Police is your friend,” which is the motto of the Nigeria Police, is wrong because ‘police’ is a plural noun, and so, cannot legally coexist with ‘is’, a singular tense. Therefore, to put the motto in the right grammatical drive, the statement should read, “The police are your friend(s).” Aside from the test of grammar, the motto also fails the test of authenticity because, as everyone knows, the Nigeria Police Force is friendless and loveless.
But this wasn’t the fate of the force some 40 years ago when I walked into the Okigwe police station, stranded and needing a place to lay my head for the night. Early in the day, before the second crow of cock, I had boarded ‘The Young Shall Grow’ bus from Lagos en route to Okigwe, the home of Imo State University, where I had just been admitted.
It was a mobileless era when a letter sent by post to a distant state travelled like a tortoise with arthritis, crawling for weeks or months before reaching its destination. As soon as I got my admission letter from JAMB, I headed eastwards, afraid of missing the registration window and ultimately forfeiting my admission. The Lagos Liaison Office of the school had no information because it was on recess. Quickly, I borrowed the wisdom in a Yoruba proverb that says: “Kí ojú má rí’bi, gbogbo ara ni ògun ẹ̀’. Translated: “For the eyes not to see evil, the whole of the body must be agile.” So, I hit Oshodi, boarded a bus, and moved agilely to Okigwe.
However, Nigeria happened on the road.

Head of Zone II, Assistant Inspector-General Moshood Jimoh
Due to mechanical delays and a poor road network, the bus didn’t reach Okigwe until late in the night when the whole town was in bed, except the dingy police station. Though I was a lad who had never travelled outside the south-west and spoke not a syllable of Igbo, I knew police stations across the country were a place of refuge and fortress. I knew the Nigerian police, in a good measure, embodied the spirit of service and protection.
Similarly, “To protect and to serve” is the spirit behind the motto of police departments across the United States. But somewhere along Nigeria’s broken national journey, the Nigeria Police Force lost its spirit, service, and protection.
The reasons for this monumental loss are clear to the blind eye. With a numerical strength of 371,800 officers and men, the police-to-citizen ratio in Nigeria is about one police officer to every 637 citizens, which falls short of the United Nations’ recommendation of one cop to 430 persons. To attain the UN benchmark, experts say the country’s police force must hit between 650,000 and 684,000. A force starved of funding, adequate welfare, modern technology, equity and fairness cannot produce saints in uniform.
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The officer on duty that night in Okigwe was courteous but pitiable. I introduced myself and showed him my admission letter. He wondered why someone would leave Lagos for Okigwe. “Uhmm! My brother, you can see di way we dey here o. NEPA don take light. If you fit manage for dat place till morning; day go soon break,” he pointed to a concrete slab that was about to be my king-size bed. But providence had a deal lined up for me. As I sat on the slab, contemplating how I was going to sleep, a man in mufti walked in, spoke with the policeman on duty, and went to rummage through a chest of drawers at the back of the counter. He was a policeman. On his way out, he stopped and shot a glance at the man on duty, asking with his eyes who I was. “The boy na student of IMSU. He no know say di school never resume, and na from Lagos im come. He wan sleep here till morning.”
The man in mufti spoke Igbo to me. I smiled and told him I didn’t understand Igbo.
“So, you bi Yoruba from Lagos?”
“Yes, sir.”
Ha!” Why you come suffer come dis far? Why you no stay for Lagos or Ibadan?”
“I have spent all my life in Lagos and wanted a change.”
“Hia! Mosquitoes go chop you finish for dis station o. If you no mind, you fit come and manage with me till morning. Day go soon break.”
Though I felt safe in the station, I couldn’t bring myself to reject the Good Samaritan’s offer. So, we both left the station in a pall of darkness and headed to his abode, which was a stone’s throw away. As we made our way through bush paths to his house, I asked if there was a watering hole where we could have some beer. “All of dem don close. Okigwe dy sleepy once university no dey session,” he said, and added, “You dey hungry? I no get food for house o,” smiling. I told him I was hungry. So, we went to a house where he knocked on the door, and a sleepy woman opened the door and sold us bread, moin-moin and soda, which I paid for. On the way to his house, I fished a packet of Consulate cigarettes out of my pocket, the policeman whistled in admiration and said, “You bi original Lagos boy!”
Darkness escorted us to his house, which looked like an abandoned poultry shed. “This is where I dey manage o,” he said in a welcome. The house was built with corrugated iron, with holes that let in the rays of the moon through cracks. He showed me his mattressless king-size bed. “I go sleep on the floor,” he said, “You fit sleep on the bed.” It was a large-hearted moment of benevolence, and I was deeply moved. I spread my clothes over the naked springs, lay down and pretended to sleep, peeping at the sky through the cracks in the roof, silently asking God if He could see what I was going through. I prayed silently that I may succeed in my academic journey in the land of the rising sun.
At dawn, he showed me his bathroom – if courtesy permits me to call it a bathroom. Four sticks rammed into the earth, wrapped with palm fronds, roofless and doorless. In that jacuzzi, the heavens watched your nakedness while passersby viewed your legs as your towel or wrapper served as a door. I took my bath with the brown water my benefactor provided and headed to the school to see things for myself, offering profuse thanks for the memorable accommodation.
That was the situation of the police force 40 years ago: poor, neglected, unpaid – yet still recognisably human. Today, the situation has not changed, the motto has not changed, but the morality and purpose of the force have changed drastically. Today, poverty remains, but humanity has fled. The bloodstream of the police has been infected. Police stations are no longer safe for the police and the citizens.
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I have encountered one thousand and one ugly police experiences bordering on corruption, impunity, wickedness and opportunism. I can’t mention all, but the sheer devilry behind police actions was shocking. One was when my uncle, Abel Odesola, was killed on the Ife-Ilesa Expressway by a drunk driver in an accident in 2005, and the police at Atakumosa police station demanded a bribe from my family before they could release his corpse. I refused to pay the bribe and got my uncle’s corpse out. Another was when a team of policemen arrested me in the Ajegunle area of Osogbo, took me to the station for standing up to their impunity. On the way to the station, they told the eldest among them to lie that I slapped him. Little did they know that I was recording all our exchanges on the way to the station. The Osun Commissioner of Police threatened to sack them, and I had to beg on their behalf.
Now, age has tempered my intolerance of police impunity. Today, I often resist the temptation to escalate police misconduct on the pages of newspapers because I understand the internal mechanics of the force. The recklessness of a corporal can stain the career of a commissioner. One scandal can trigger a chain reaction. So, I often let things slide.
This was exactly what happened two years ago when officers made unprofessional demands of me at the Zone II Command Headquarters of the NPF, Onikan. I declined to comply but let it slide. This was after I went upstairs and complained to one of their bosses. I knew if I went to the press with the unprofessional actions of the junior officers, the embarrassment would travel upwards.
Thunder struck the same spot early again this year when I took a case of fraud to the notorious Zone II Zonal Command Headquarters, Onikan. It took PUNCH authorities to call the IG’s office to complain about the actions of the officers of the zone before the case could even be listed for investigation. The immediate past leadership of the zone appeared disturbingly indifferent, maybe deliberately so, for some reasons best known to it.
In a petition I wrote to the command on December 11, 2025, I complained about a suspected fraudster named Wole, who fraudulently obtained $8,800 from me during the process of helping him to buy a 2014 Toyota 4Runner from the US. The criminal suspect had lied to me that he was working with Dangote Refineries and repeatedly assured me repayment was guaranteed. This was in 2022. When I realised the suspect had no job, I personally helped him secure job opportunities, including two banking jobs and an accounting position with a major newspaper in the country.
The suspect turned all the jobs down, citing flimsy excuses.
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That was when it finally dawned on me that the suspect was playing games. So, I gave him an eight-month deadline, warning that I would initiate legal actions if he failed to pay me by November 2025. When he failed to pay, I wrote a petition to Zone II, titled “Re: Fraudulent Obtainment of $8,88,” which was received and signed by the zone on December 11, 2025. Wole wrote an undertaking at the zone that he would pay me the equivalent of N500,000 in dollars every month. He only paid for January, February and March. Efforts to get the zone to reach Wole had been futile as excuses tumbled down from Onikan, with the investigating police officer, Mrs Priscilla Erroim, telling me that the suspect was not picking up her calls, while he cruised the streets in the silver-coloured Toyota 4Runner with number plate LSD 388 HS.
I had thought that when an officer goes on transfer, the cases they were handling would be transferred to another officer. More so, the suspect included his residential address in the undertaking. This was not the case with Zone II. The case was just left in limbo. At the commencement of the case, I had a very rough time with Erroim, who is a Chief Superintendent of Police, and her subordinate named Francis. But we later resolved the conflict between us.
When I could not make a headway with Erroim and Francis, I called the Zonal PRO, Mr Gbenga Afolayan, a deputy superintendent of police, who said the officers handling the case before they were transferred should tell me who they had handled the case to. Thus, the case ran into a cul-de-sac. But an Assistant Commissioner of Police, Mr Ojugbele, distinguished himself by making genuine efforts to intervene.
I had thought that the recent shake-up within the force by the Inspector General was yielding results when I texted the new Head of Zone II, Assistant Inspector-General Moshood Jimoh, who acknowledged my text and promised that the zone would look into the case. I was pleasantly shocked! “Here’s an AIG responding to a random citizen personally, while the former AIG in charge of the zone wouldn’t respond,” I thought to myself. The Nigeria Police Force is working!
I acknowledged Jimoh’s prompt response in my article published in THE PUNCH on Friday, May 15, 2026, titled, “IG’s deployments and the rebirth of Zone II.” The article was published under another article, “Adeleke: Crime cannot dethrone Apetu and enthrone Oluwo.”
How wrong was I! Little did I know that what appeared to attract Jimoh to respond to my texts was not duty, but the allure of my foreign telephone number. Or, how do I explain that calls and texts to him after I introduced myself and made the publication were ignored? It left me wondering what manner of service and protection the common man gets from the police force if a columnist with the most widely read newspaper in the country could be tossed up and down by officers?
As it happened to me two years ago at Zone II, Onikan, so it has happened to me again this year: officers deliberately erect obstacles before citizens, preparing the ground for exploitation. I’m sure the shake-up initiated within the force by the IG is part of ongoing reforms aimed at re-energising the force. But for men and officers of Zone II, Onikan, this reform is like water bouncing off a rock. The IG must break that rock; otherwise, his efforts would go down the drain.
There is no nobler honour than for men and women to put their lives on the line for the safety of their country. This is why I spare no effort in commending the nation’s security agencies whenever they do right. But when corruption takes the place of conscience, then the walls of police institutions begin to rot from within.
Email: tundeodes2003@yahoo.com
Facebook: @Tunde Odesola
X: @Tunde_Odesola
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