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Fayose-Obasanjo: Two eboras dragging same pair of trousers (2)

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Tunde Odesola
Tunde Odesola

Fayose-Obasanjo: Two eboras dragging same pair of trousers (2)

Tunde Odesola

(Published in The PUNCH, on Friday, November 28, 2025)

On June 26, 2012, when the Ekiti governorship election was two years and four months away, Ebora Fayose, with the coals of ambition burning in his heart, set forth at dawn by writing a letter from his country home at No. 1, Odo-Ode Street, Afao-Ekiti, Ekiti State, Nigeria. Fayose sent the seven-paragraph letter to Agbe L’Oba House, Quarry Road, Ibara, P.O.Box 2286, Abeokuta, Ogun State, Nigeria, the cave of the Balogun of Owu, Ebora Obasanjo, who keeps grudges and gunpowder warm.

Fayose’s letter read, “Dear Baba,

“There is no denying the fact that my relationship with you has gone sour as a result of my action and inaction, which have definitely caused you embarrassment in public, and this has marred our very good father-son relationship in the past.

“I take responsibility for my overreaction and disrespect to your person, which is most regretted. I am indeed sorry.

“I pray that God will give you the grace to let go of the past, knowing full well that I am human and therefore not infallible, especially considering the circumstances surrounding my removal from office.

“To further buttress my willingness to seek peace with you, I could recall that I had made several efforts to this effect by consulting your close allies in the persons of Aare Afe Babalola (SAN), Chief Omilani, and Pastor Oyedepo, among others.

“Lastly, kindly disregard all insinuations or political blackmail suggestive of my doing or saying anything contradicting my present disposition as contained in this letter.

“My reconciliation with your good self may not go down well with some of my political opponents, but you remain the father of all.

“My wife sends her greetings.”

With high regards.

Signed: Ayo Fayose.

In a four-paragraph letter, Obasanjo, on July 18, 2012, wrote to Fayose, saying, “Dear Ayo, I write to acknowledge the receipt of your letter dated June 26, 2012, pleading with me to forgive you, as you put it, for your action and inaction which have caused me embarrassment in public.

“As for the embarrassment and personal insult to me, forgiveness is divine, and I will not withhold forgiveness since I believe that God will not withhold forgiveness for my inadequacies.

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“However, for me, the personal aspect can be handled by me, but the party aspect has to be handled by the local, state and national levels of the Party.

“I wish you all the best and God’s blessing.

Yours sincerely,

Signed: Olusegun Obasanjo.

The exchange of letters between Afao-Ekiti and Ibara-Abeokuta in 2012 signalled the official cessation of hostilities after the two-time Ekiti governor and the three-time Nigerian ruler had clashed during the 60th birthday anniversary of a former Osun Governor, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, held in Okuku, in February 2011.

But some scars do not disappear even after they heal. A governor, who was scurried out of the Ekiti State Government House, Ado-Ekiti, in the booth of a car like a bag of garri Ijebu, would never forget the ordeal. Neither would an elder publicly insulted by a younger fellow. So, both Obasanjo and Fayose seethed in controlled animosity against each other. Years after his controversial removal from power in the early morning of December 15, 2006, over alleged corruption in a state government-owned poultry business, Fayose contested his removal from office, and the Supreme Court, in April 2015, declared his impeachment illegal.

Fayose, who walked into the dining room of Oyinlola, where political giants like former Head of State, General Ibrahim Babangida; then-Oyo State Governor, Chief Adebayo Alao-Akala, etc, were being fêted, snubbed Obasanjo while greeting other leaders. The birthday boy, Oyinlola, noticed the insult and quickly went to Fayose and asked, “Did you not see Baba Obasanjo?”

“Obasan-who? I don’t know anyone by that name,” Fayose said flatly. “I hope you’re not blind,” Oyinlola countered with jocular seriousness, and added firmly, “Ayo, go and greet Baba before you sit down.” Obasanjo heard the dialogue. And he fired a verbal shot: “I don’t know bastards, too.” If the bullet hit Fayose, he didn’t show it. He only fired back, “You’re a bastard, too!”

After the Okuku exchange came the two letters of apology and acceptance. Two years after the letter-inducing ceasefire, Fayose coasted home to a famous victory in the Ekiti governorship election of October 16, 2014, defeating the incumbent governor, Gentleman Kayode Fayemi, by a stretch. Thus, Fayose became the poster boy of the PDP in the South-West, while Obasanjo maintained his title as the party’s godfather and disciplinarian-in-chief.

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As the 2015 general elections approached, Obasanjo turned into a thorn in the flesh of the President Goodluck Jonathan administration, publicly tearing his PDP membership card, and endorsing the late President Muhammadu Buhari as a better candidate for the 2015 presidential election.

In his controversial three-volume book, My Watch, which was presented to the public on December 9, 2014, at the Lagos Country Club, Ikeja, Lagos, Obasanjo describes Jonathan as clueless, weak and selfish, even as he reserves uncharitable words for former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, a former Governor of Delta State, Mr James Ibori; and a former Governor of Kwara, Bukola Saraki, among other PDP chiefs.

A national chieftain of the PDP, Buruji Kashamu (now deceased), who hailed from Ogun State like Obasanjo, went to an Abuja High Court, where he obtained an order to stop the book’s release, claiming it was fraught with libellous claims. As a result of his loyalty to the PDP and financial muscle, Kashamu emerged as the axehead of the pro-Jonathan group against Obasanjo within the Ogun PDP. The book’s public presentation became the subject of intense national political debate as fever-pitch fear gripped the polity over Obasanjo’s safety. The Jonathan government did not shut down the venue of the book launch as anticipated. I was an eyewitness in the audience.

So, when Kashamu died on August 8, 2020, Obasanjo sent a letter of condolence to the Ogun State Governor, Prince Dapo Abiodun. It read, “I received the sad news of the demise of Senator Esho Jinadu (Buruji Kashamu), a significant citizen of Ogun State. Please accept my condolences and those of my family on the irreparable loss.

“The life and history of the departed have lessons for those of us all on this side of the veil. Senator Esho Jinadu (Buruji Kashamu), in his lifetime, used the manoeuvre of law and politics to escape facing justice in Nigeria and outside Nigeria. But no legal, political, cultural, social or even medical manoeuvre could stop the cold hand of death when the Creator of all of us decides that the time is up.

“May Allah forgive his sin and accept his soul into Aljannah, and may God grant his family and friends fortitude to bear the irreparable loss.”

Signed: Olusegun Obasanjo.

Not a few Nigerians saw Obasanjo’s letter to Abiodun as insincere and sarcastic because of its tone. It is also not on public record that Obasanjo sent a letter of condolence to Kashamu’s family, fuelling the allegation that vindictiveness, and not grief, was the inspiration behind the condolence letter.

As PDP governor in Ekiti, Fayose queued up behind Jonathan, attacking Obasanjo for alleged anti-party activities, saying the former president behaved as though he owed Nigeria. Thus, the two frenemies left the path of peace again and pitched their camps at opposing ends. In an eternal tug-of-war, two eboras forcefully grabbed the same pair of trousers; each thrust his foot in one leg of the trousers, one leg in, one leg out, each struggling, each pushing, each tugging and staggering, whipping up dust in a battle of self-interest. Unmistakably, the battle line was drawn in blood red colour.

Jonathan lost his re-election bid and went back to the creek quietly. The PDP won’t forgive Obasanjo; he’s the architect of their misfortune. Fayose continued to lambast Obasanjo, calling him a corrupt, manipulative and egocentric leader. He demanded a refund of the money he donated on behalf of Ekiti State to the Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library in Abeokuta, saying PDP governors were arm-twisted by Obasanjo to donate state funds to the library, a claim Obasanjo had refuted.

During his first coming as governor, Fayose, fiercely loyal to Obasanjo, climbed a table inside the hallowed chamber of the Osun State House of Assembly venue of the South-West regional hearing on constitutional amendment, ordering out activists like the late Bamidele Aturu, Abiodun Aremu (deceased), and a host of others, who had stormed the sitting, protesting that the hearing was a ruse to guage the people’s feeling on a third term for Obasanjo. South-West PDP governors, deputy governors, senators, House of Reps members, ministers, speakers, etc, were present at the event. I was an eyewitness.

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The above-painted scenario was the state of affairs between Obasanjo and Fayose until the latter turned 65, and he decided to call on Nigerians from all walks of life to celebrate with him. Speaking with me on the phone, Fayose said, “Excuse me, sir, I don’t want to discuss Obasanjo anymore because we are all going to become history one day. But we must be mindful of our legacy. What is wrong with turning 65 and reaching out to everyone to celebrate with you? He wasn’t the only person I invited. Is there a sin in that? I told Osita (Chidoka), who gave me his (Obasanjo) number. I called and informed him about my birthday; he said he wished to come, but that he was out of the country, and I sent him $20,000, only for him to come and start abusing me at my birthday party. I’m not contesting any election. What do I need him for? I do not regret everything I said.”

The Ebora Owu has kept mute over Fayose’s outburst. “A knife cuts the child’s finger, the child flings the knife away. Has the knife not achieved its goal?” Obasanjo’s silence seems to say.

Looking beyond the theatrics of the cat-and-mouse fight between the two leaders, an ominous cloud of bad leadership examples descends, nudging me back to the twin metaphors of accident and misfortune upon which this article is predicated. I repeat, many Nigerian leaders arrive in office by accident, and many are a misfortune in office. Nigeria’s democracy is the government of the few, by the few, for the few.

Many National Assembly members, including Osun-born Senator Ṣola Adeyeye, had come out to say that Obasanjo gave millions of naira to federal legislators to accommodate a third term in the constitution. Adeyeye, who said he didn’t collect the N70 million shared to each legislator, maintained that Obasanjo sought a third term in office.

Fayose jumping on the table and ordering policemen to chase out human rights activists during the constitution amendment hearing in Osogbo, the Osun State capital, showed he was an accomplice, ready to do anything to subvert the Constitution for the President’s interest. This is the misfortune of Nigerian democracy.

The latest outburst between Fayose and his former godfather wasn’t a clash of morality. No. It was a fight of ego, revenge, and self-righteousness. Both clothes are cut from the same cloth, both are dyed deep.

Probably wanting to finally bury the hatchet, Fayose thought 65 was the age to retire from war, but Obasanjo was not only the Balogun of Owu Kingdom, but he was also a war-tested Aloku Soja (Old Soldier), with an unforgetful brain, a tribute some say makes him unforgiving. Ara Owu ki i ranro, awi menu kuro ni t’Owu.

I think Obasanjo was utterly wrong to collect $20,000 from Fayose and board a plane from Rwanda to deliver a baggage of insults at Fayose’s birthday. Fayose going to Obasanjo’s house to invite him was a show of repentance, and OBJ’s acceptance to grace the occasion should have been an enduring lesson in forgiveness. But Obasanjo flunked the opportunity.

Like a foxy old soldier, Obasanjo had his revenge strategy pre-planned. His enumeration of Fayose’s sins on a sheet of paper and his choosing to be the last speaker at the event all evidenced his mission. Either to show purpose or charge himself up, Baba Iyabo, at 88 years of age, ran up the stage, waving Juju legend, Chief Commander Ebenezer Obey, to cut the music. And he began his sermon on the mountain.

Was Fayose’s outburst wrong? I don’t think so, because he didn’t make his response public. Obasanjo did. Who wouldn’t be annoyed? Obasanjo didn’t blast Fayose alone; he lambasted his wife, too, saying the couple lacked integrity – Enyi mejeji e ki i se Omoluabi. What did Ebora Obasanjo expect to get from Ebora Fayose? A bunch of roses? Fayose crowned him with a garland of thorns, instead.

Both Obasanjo and Fayose are leaders whose decisions have impacted the lives of the Nigerian masses, either positively or negatively. Both are community leaders. Both are family men with wives and children. One is in combat with his children in his nuclear family. The other is at war with his siblings in his extended family. Both are our leaders. At various times, they decided the fate we live today.

* Concluded.

Email: tundeodes2003@yahoo.com

Facebook: @Tunde Odesola

X: @Tunde_Odesola

 

Fayose-Obasanjo: Two eboras dragging same pair of trousers (2)

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The world dislikes the weak, by Hakeem Baba-Ahmed

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Former Northern Elders Forum spokesperson, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed
Former Northern Elders Forum spokesperson, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed

The world dislikes the weak, by Hakeem Baba-Ahmed

The world dislikes the weak, by Hakeem Baba-Ahmed

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Our children must be kept away from Obi’s mob

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Vincent Akanmode
Vincent Akanmode

Our children must be kept away from Obi’s mob

Any Nigerian with an iota of conscience would be miffed at the content of a video that trended on the social media during the week. It was the motion picture of three children whose age ranged between 10 and 12 professing to be supporters of former Anambra State governor and presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in the 2023 presidential election, Mr. Peter Obi. Oblivious in their pristine innocence that they were being initiated into the triple crimes of lying, cheating and forgery by those who contrived the issuance of voter cards to them, they heartily flaunted the cards meant only for adults above 18 years, threatening to vote Obi in the 2027 elections like they did three years ago.

Instructively, it was Obi’s supporters, led by the then Chief Spokesperson for the Labour Party Presidential Campaign Council, Dr. Yunusa Tanko, who embarked on a peaceful protest in Abuja against alleged registration of underage voters in the build-up to the 2023 elections.

During the campaign rallies that preceded the 2023 elections, the world had watched with bated breath as a 15-year-old boy identified as Alabi Quadri jumped into the road arms outstretched as Obi’s convoy approached during a campaign rally in Lagos. I was personally alarmed at the stupidity of young man’s action, seeing the possibility of him being hit by the advancing convoy of vehicles. But while I thought it was the dumbest act anyone could muster, Obi, rather than rebuke Quadri’s foolery, alighted from his vehicle, walked towards the scallywag and embraced him in the full glare of cameras. Obviously, the Labour Party presidential candidate was in full agreement that the rascal did very well staking his life for his (Obi’s) presidential ambition.

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Obi, who had earlier prided himself with not giving shishi (a dime), reportedly rewarded Quadri’s foolhardiness with an unspecified sum of money, which later put him into trouble with his colleagues and earned him a stay in Kirikiri prison for about three months after an alleged frame-up for armed robbery by some thugs in his Amukoko (Lagos) neighbourhood, who were said to be angry that Quadri did not deem them fit for a slice of Obi’s cake. They handed him over to the police, who kept him in custody until some human rights activists intervened and secured his release.

Not surprisingly, many other admirers of Obi celebrated Quadri’s display of obtuseness as a heroic act worthy of emulation by anyone worth the helm of the presidential aspirant’s black gown. Little wonder the teenager’s example has since caught on among his followers with other dumb actions and utterances. Last week, another youthful follower of the mob took the malady to the precincts of blasphemy, saying that Jesus Christ would lose if he contests an election with Obi in Nigeria. And rather than condemnation, this reckless delivery has enjoyed the approval of many Obidient members in a country where religion is as sensitive as the mimosa plant.

And before the dust generated by the sacrilegious utterance could settle, another teenager identified as Mc Aha from Imo State said he would gladly sacrifice his father and mother if that was all Obi needed to become the President of Nigeria. Commendably, the teenager’s obviously embarrassed father did not allow his son’s misguided utterance to go without a consequence. Convinced that the teenager’s outburst bordered more on crime than insanity, he ignored psychiatrists and psychologists and promptly handed his errant son over to the police.

I felt a sense of vindication on learning about the young man’s utterance, because a day or two earlier, I had been viciously attacked on Facebook for sarcastically posting that I once thought of becoming an Obidient but was discouraged by the long and tortuous process of having to undergo a surgery that would remove my brain and replace it with sawdust!

The question then arises: what exactly is the Obidient movement teaching our youths? What impact do Obi and his followers hope to make on the impressionable minds of innocent young boys and girls with the negative messages being passed to them by their mostly reckless, aggressive and abrasive older colleagues? A group that has turned discourtesy into an art. A group that has no place for the African culture of respect for the elder. A group to which age means nothing but sheer number. They address the elderly the same manner they do their apprentices and attack statesmen and eminent public office holders with the venom of a snake. A group whose leader is making a career of de-marketing his country and presenting his land of birth as the heaviest burden the rest of the world bears. What impact?

Our children must be kept away from Obi’s mob

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History and psychoanalysis of El-Rufai’s troubles with Ribadu – Farooq Kperogi

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Kperogi is a renowned columnist and United States-based Professor of Journalism 
Farooq Kperogi

History and psychoanalysis of El-Rufai’s troubles with Ribadu – Farooq Kperogi

Given the depth and intensity of the friendship they cultivated over decades, many people are befuddled by why the personal conflict between former Kaduna State governor Nasir El-Rufai and National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu has burst into the open with such virulence. As I’ll show, it’s inspired by deep-seated envy, ego trip and bruised self-construal.

Both were born in 1960 (with El-Rufai being about nine months older), graduated from ABU in the 1980s (with El-Rufai graduating three years earlier), have a reputation for boldness and outspokenness, and were stars of the Olusegun Obasanjo administration.

From the outside looking in, it appears to me that although both men had mutual admiration for each other, the scale tilted a little in favor of El-Rufai. I say this for at least two reasons.

One, according to a recent social media post by presidential aide Gimba Kakanda, who appears to be close to both men, Ribadu named his son in honor of El-Rufai. I am not aware that El-Rufai requited Ribadu’s gesture even though he has had boys. If my assumption is wrong, I apologize. If it’s right, that bespeaks a deep, unspoken, but nonetheless significant inequality in admiration.

Second, on page 358 of El-Rufai’s 2013 autobiography titled The Accidental Public Servant, which has made the social media rounds, El-Rufai revealed that when the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua sought Ribadu’s support to be president and said Obasanjo had already endorsed him, Ribadu rebuffed Yar’Adua, saying, “Well, Obasanjo has not told me, and as far as the presidency is concerned, I have my candidate for president, and that is Nasir El-Rufai. I am going to have to speak to Obasanjo about this.”

So, El-Rufai internalized the asymmetry in their admiration for each other. He took for granted that Ribadu thought higher of him than he did of Ribadu. There can be no greater endorsement of this fact than Ribadu’s perception that El-Rufai was the best Nigerian qualified to succeed Obasanjo.

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However, in 2011, when Bola Ahmed Tinubu was shopping for a young northern candidate to fly the flag of the ACN, he commissioned a public opinion poll to determine which northern candidate enjoyed the most national acceptance, according to Akin Osuntokun’s February 20, 2026, Arise News interview.

Osuntokun not only worked with both men during the Obasanjo presidency, he is also friends with them. Plus, I’ve heard this story from several people close to El-Rufai and Ribadu, but this is the first time it’s out in the open.

Osuntokun’s revelation that the national poll showed Nuhu Ribadu with a significantly higher rating (about 45 percent) compared to Nasir El-Rufai (around seven percent) is consistent with what I’ve heard.

Based on that result, Tinubu backed Ribadu’s candidacy within the ACN. It also marked the beginning of Ribadu’s relationship with Tinubu.

El-Rufai’s exaggerated self-construal of his superiority over Ribadu was badly shattered, and he couldn’t take it. But I am not surprised by the outcome of the poll. It occurred at the height of Ribadu’s popularity in the country.

As I pointed out in a past column, my own paternal uncle, a UK-educated health professional, named his son Ribadu, not Nuhu, in honor of Nuhu Ribadu’s exploits at the EFCC. When I told him Ribadu is the name of a town in Adamawa State where Nuhu hails from, he was surprised. We still laugh over it.

El-Rufai’s ego was badly bruised because he had a hard time accepting that Ribadu, who didn’t think of himself as presidential material in 2007 and who instead thought El-Rufai should succeed Obasanjo, should be considered worthier of being president in 2011 by more Nigerians. As a result, the previously impregnable walls of friendship between them began to collapse irretrievably.

By 2015, El-Rufai rode on the coattails of Muhammadu Buhari to become governor of Kaduna State. According to people familiar with the dynamics of their relationship, El-Rufai studiously used his influence in the Buhari government to exclude Ribadu.

But by 2023, when Tinubu became president, Ribadu got his groove back. El-Rufai believes that the rejection of his ministerial nomination by the Senate on “security” grounds was inspired by Ribadu, who was retaliating for El-Rufai’s own underhanded exclusion of Ribadu during the Buhari presidency.

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Most regular people with no hangups would take it in their stride and wait for their “time.” But El-Rufai isn’t a “regular” person. He must be in on the action or everything must be scattered. So, he set out to do at least three things to get at Ribadu: 1. Show that Ribadu is dangerous and vindictive. 2. Show that he is incompetent. 3. Show that he is a craven fellow who can’t return, much less match, El-Rufai’s lethal rhetorical salvos.

These points overlap. If you are vindictive but are afraid of being seen as such, then you’re a coward. If you’re a coward and you control the security of the country, then you’re also incompetent. If you don’t respond to my personal attacks, it’s because you fear that I’ll reveal more damaging information and also lack the rhetorical and intellectual firepower to fight back, which harkens back to your fitness for the job of protecting the country.

Of course, El-Rufai knows that Ribadu is anything but a coward. In The Accidental Public Servant, El-Rufai recounts an incident from their undergraduate days at Ahmadu Bello University to illustrate what he presents as Ribadu’s boldness.

According to El-Rufai, Ribadu was confronted by an armed robber who pointed a gun at him. Instead of complying or retreating, Ribadu slapped the robber and challenged him.

El-Rufai told the anecdote as an example of Ribadu’s fearlessness and impulsive self-confidence during their student years and to sketch Ribadu’s temperament early on, suggesting that Ribadu’s later public persona as an anti-corruption crusader was consistent with traits visible even as an undergraduate.

In his only public reaction to El-Rufai’s constant personal attacks, Ribadu was conciliatory and even-tempered. “Despite the incessant baiting and attacks, I have never spoken ill of Nasir on record anywhere,” he wrote on February 24, 2025. “This is out of respect for our past association and our respective families. I will not start today.”

El-Rufai’s supporters read the statement, whose grace should have disarmed anyone, as evidence of cowardice. But had he attacked El-Rufai back in the fashion that El-Rufai savaged him, the public, which tends to side with the underdog (in this case anyone outside the orbit of the reigning government), would see El-Rufai as the victim and Ribadu as the villain.

This gave El-Rufai the illusion that he was winning the war and led him to dig in even deeper with that self-sabotaging Arise News interview, which overstepped the bounds of reasonableness and landed him in the hot water he is in now.

In spite of people’s natural predilection to sympathize with the underdog, outside of partisan political circles, El-Rufai’s troubles aren’t eliciting the profusion of support, outrage and empathy anyone else would have received. And it’s because he is being given a taste of his own medicine.

For those who want to sympathize with him, which is perfectly legitimate, I leave you with these words he uttered on January 22, 2012, at the Yar’Adua Center, Abuja, at a presentation at the T2T (Transformed To Transform) Nigeria Conference for Youth Corps Members:

“We have no politics of public interest or public good. And you know the politicians proudly tell you that politics is about interest. If they don’t get what they want, they’re ready to collapse the system.

“Every military coup in Nigeria’s history was engineered by civilians. They have lost elections, right or wrongly. If a politician contests for a position and he doesn’t get it, he’ll not support a party member that got the nomination.

“He would rather move to the opposition and ensure that the person that defeated him fair and square loses the election. So, we have a political culture where the primacy of personal interest trumps everything else.

“Now, what is the difference between human beings and animals? So it is with most Nigerian politicians: everyone for himself, no one for the country, no one even for the party. It’s an interesting political culture. And it’s ingrained. Politicians believe that is the way, that is politics, and to change it will take quite an effort. This is a problem.”

History and psychoanalysis of El-Rufai’s troubles with Ribadu – Farooq Kperogi

Kperogi is a renowned Nigerian columnist and United States-based Professor of Journalism.

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