Opinion
Nigeria’s return to the 2014 nightmare, By Farooq Kperogi
Nigeria’s return to the 2014 nightmare, By Farooq Kperogi
The events and atmospherics of the past few days in Nigeria feel eerily and frighteningly familiar. They are redolent of the disabling instability and helplessness (and more) of 2014 and 2015 when Goodluck Jonathan was president.
Three crises are unfolding in near synchrony. One, there’s a resurgence of Boko Haram activities. Two, there’s an alarming escalation of mass kidnappings in the northwest and north central zones. And three, we’re seeing more coordinated banditry along major travel corridors in most parts of the country.
Each one has appeared before, but they almost never spike simultaneously unless something systemic has shifted. That alone raises alarms.
We have gone back to counting stolen children, watching shaky videos of terrified pupils, hearing anguished parents on television, and listening to federal officials who seem permanently shocked into inertia. The déjà vu is unsettling.
This week, armed outlaws stormed a school in Kebbi State and abducted scores of girls in an attack that jolted the national conscience. Only days later, another gang invaded Papiri village in Niger State and snatched schoolchildren who were preparing for early morning classes.
The Niger State raid struck me with personal force because the village head of Papiri is my paternal second cousin. His mother is my father’s first cousin. In Borgu tradition, we’re considered cross cousins and therefore “joking mates.” I have tried to call him since news of the abduction broke without success.
At the same time, Jihadist violence in the northeast has recrudesced with chilling familiarity and renewed virulence. Islamic State West Africa Province and remnants of Boko Haram have regrouped around the Lake Chad basin. They attack civilian communities and security installations with renewed vigor.
From Bama to Marte, villagers describe nightly fear as if nothing has changed since the peak of Boko Haram’s reign a decade ago.
I earned the concentrated wrath of late president Muhammadu Buhari’s devotees in early 2018 when, in a February 24, 2018, column titled “Bursting the Myth of Buhari’s Boko Haram ‘Success’,” I pointed out that Boko Haram appeared to be defeated not because the government had done anything but because the group had been “weakened by an enervatingly bitter and sanguinary internal schism.”
It appears like the group has been able to overcome its internal dissension enough to be able to coordinate attacks on its targets.
Parallel to this resurgence is the evolution of kidnapping into a national business. What started as an insurgent tactic has been copied, refined and monetized by criminal gangs across the northwest and north central then exported to the south.
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Independent trackers show that billions of naira have circulated through ransom payments over the past decade with recent reports describing a structured kidnap economy complete with financiers, logistics networks, informants, negotiators and money launderers. What Nigeria once called banditry has now matured into a rational industry with predictable revenue streams and diversified risks.
So, yes, the national atmosphere today resembles the Jonathan years. But this time the crisis is deeper and more dispersed.
The national mood of despair, helplessness and anger is a replay of the late Jonathan era when Boko Haram hoisted its flags over swathes of Borno and Yobe. Chibok became a global shorthand for Nigerian dysfunction. Now, the factually incorrect but emotionally resonant narrative of an exclusively targeted “Christian genocide” that spares Muslims has become the rallying cry to galvanize global attention to Nigeria’s growing insecurity.
Back in 2014, Bola Ahmed Tinubu was the most potent voice of the opposition. He excoriated Goodluck Jonathan for incompetence and indecisiveness, demanded his resignation and insisted that a president who allowed any part of Nigeria to fall under insurgent control had forfeited his legitimacy.
He was not alone. The opposition constructed a political identity around Jonathan’s inability to contain insecurity and many Nigerians embraced that narrative.
Fast-forward to 2025 and the roles have reversed. Tinubu is now president. Yet armed groups have carved out de facto fiefdoms from Sokoto to Zamfara to parts of Niger and Kwara.
Mass abductions of schoolchildren that once symbolized Jonathan’s collapse now occur with increasingly terrifying regularity on Tinubu’s watch.
The same constitutional structure that prevented Jonathan from responding with agility still binds Tinubu. The same centralized federal police that Jonathan could not reform remains unreformed. The same chorus of political rivals calling for resignation is back, this time directed at Tinubu.
To understand why Nigeria is once again trapped in this cycle one must follow the incentives. In 2014 Boko Haram sustained itself through robbery, looting, cattle rustling, bank raids and forced taxation of communities under its control.
Over time, the insurgency splintered. Islamic State West Africa Province emerged as a faction that taxed traders, herders and fishermen around the Lake Chad basin with a degree of predictable order. Boko Haram’s faction retained a chaotic violence that relied on spectacle and terror. Their internal war weakened both sides but did not erase the insurgent social structures that had taken root in northeast Nigeria.
In the northwest a different conflict economy germinated. What began as local clashes between armed herders and farming communities evolved into a sprawling banditry complex. Criminal groups discovered that kidnapping offered more lucrative returns than cattle rustling or territorial raids.
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In time, the operations became systematized. Negotiators emerged. Safe houses and holding camps were erected. Ransom payments moved through informal financial channels. Corrupt intermediaries took commissions. A web of collaborators, enablers and silent beneficiaries flourished.
By 2020 analysts described Nigeria’s kidnap economy as a mature market with predictable seasonal variations. When cash became scarce, criminal groups shifted to looting harvests or taxing miners. When security forces pressured one corridor, criminals migrated to neighboring states. When the public grew desensitized to individual abductions, gangs resorted to mass kidnappings to restore bargaining power. The crisis became self-sustaining.
What sustains this national theatre of insecurity is not mysterious. A centralized and lethargic security structure leaves governors unable to respond to emergencies in their own states. Corruption drains operational resources and incentivizes some actors to prolong insecurity.
Youth unemployment in rural belts produces endless recruits for jihadist and bandit networks. Weak intelligence systems and politicized law enforcement create impunity. Communities that cooperate with the state face revenge attacks without reliable protection. Simplistic narratives, whether religious or ethnic, prevent honest diagnosis.
Yet this cycle is not irreversible. Nigeria needs genuine devolution of policing powers so that states can create accountable and competent security forces to supplement federal agencies. The kidnap economy must be treated as a financial crime problem that requires surveillance of ransom flows, rigorous enforcement of anti-money laundering statutes and prosecution of urban collaborators.
The military must purge procurement fraud and prioritize intelligence-driven operations that protect civilians rather than advertise body counts. Schools need real protective infrastructure, not empty safe school pledges. The state must rebuild trust with communities through accountability for abuses and consistent presence rather than episodic raids.
Nigeria also continues to avoid hard but necessary options. One example is the use of foreign military contractors to support counterinsurgency operations. In 2015 Goodluck Jonathan hired South African and Eastern European mercenaries who helped achieve some of the most significant territorial gains against Boko Haram in years.
Muhammadu Buhari cancelled the arrangement out of vain nationalist pride, and the momentum evaporated. Given the scale of today’s threats, Nigeria should reconsider specialized external support with proper oversight. What matters is saving lives, not protecting political egos.
Ten years ago, Nigerians rallied around the simple demand that their children should be safe in school and their villages safe from predation. A decade later, they are repeating the same plea. If it was fair for Tinubu to say in 2014 that no leader should preside over the occupation of Nigerian communities by non-state armed groups, it is fair to say the same to him now.
Nigerians want what they have always deserved, which is a country where sending a child to school is not an act of faith in divine mercy. They want a government that treats mass abduction not as an inconvenient blemish but as an intolerable crisis. They want an end to a nightmare that feels scripted to repeat itself every decade.
This is a pattern that can be broken. Whether it will be is the question that hangs over the republic.
Kperogi is a renowned columnist and United States-based Professor of Journalism.
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Opinion
STATE OF THE NATION: INSECURITY IN NIGERIA AND MATTERS ARISING
STATE OF THE NATION: INSECURITY IN NIGERIA AND MATTERS ARISING
THE OGBOMOSO RESCUE: CELEBRATE THE VICTORY, PRESERVE THE LESSONS
By Group Captain Sadeeq Garba Shehu Rtd
Amplified by the Good Governance Group (GGG)
—
ABUJA – The safe recovery of the remaining pupils and teachers abducted from schools in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State has been met with nationwide relief and celebration. After 56 days in captivity, the children and teachers have been reunited with their families, marking the conclusion of a tense hostage crisis that gripped the nation.
According to the Presidency, the victims were recovered through a sustained military, police and intelligence-driven operation. Eight suspected kidnappers have been arrested and placed in DSS custody, while some members of the group were reportedly neutralised. The Presidency has also stated that no ransom was paid and no prisoner exchange took place, with the terrorist kingpin demanded by the abductors remaining in custody and facing prosecution.
—
OPERATIONAL SUCCESS OR PROFESSIONAL RESTRAINT?
Security expert Group Captain Sadeeq Garba Shehu Rtd has offered a comprehensive analysis of the operation, emphasising the professional dilemmas inherent in hostage rescue missions.
“Knowing where hostages are located is not the same as possessing a safe opportunity to rescue them,” Shehu stated. “Before action can be taken, commanders must understand the disposition of the captors, the exact location and condition of the hostages, the terrain, and whether an assault is likely to trigger the execution of the hostages.”
The retired officer stressed that hostage rescue operations frequently involve prolonged surveillance, human intelligence, communications interception, and meticulous preparation before force is finally employed.
“The objective is not merely to reach the kidnappers. The objective is to recover the hostages alive,” he added.
—
INTELLIGENCE: THE DECISIVE WEAPON
Perhaps the most significant feature of the operation, according to Shehu, is the apparent success of intelligence gathering.
“Popular imagination often credits hostage rescues to the soldiers seen during the final assault. Professional practitioners know differently. The visible rescue is merely the final phase. The decisive work usually begins much earlier,” he explained.
Shehu noted that intelligence officers identify patterns, communities provide information, technical surveillance tracks movement, and communications are analysed before any tactical commander can intervene with an acceptable level of risk.
“Firepower may conclude an operation. Intelligence makes it possible,” he said.
—
INTER-AGENCY COOPERATION
The reported cooperation among the Armed Forces, the DSS and the Nigeria Police Force has also been highlighted as a critical success factor.
“No single institution possesses every capability required to resolve a complex hostage crisis,” Shehu noted, pointing out that Nigeria lacks a dedicated Hostage Rescue Unit comparable to France’s GIGN.
“The Armed Forces contribute operational reach, tactical capability and specialised combat assets. The Police contribute investigative powers, local policing structures and criminal justice responsibilities. The DSS contributes specialised intelligence capabilities. Each institution performs a distinct but complementary function,” he explained.
—
THE HUMAN COST
Despite the successful rescue, Shehu emphasised that the incident was not casualty-free.
“From official snippets, a couple of security personnel were lost. Lives were lost during the initial attack. Most painfully, Mr. Oyedokun, one of the abducted teachers, was murdered while in captivity. His death reminds us that this was never simply a kidnapping. It was a brutal act of terrorism against innocent civilians,” he stated.
“Our celebration must therefore be accompanied by remembrance. Our relief must be accompanied by compassion.”
—
SAFE SCHOOLS: FROM POLICY TO PRACTICE
Perhaps the most critical lesson emerging from the Ogbomoso incident, according to Shehu, is the urgent need to strengthen Nigeria’s Safe Schools Programme.
“The 3 affected schools—Community Grammar School, Baptist Nursery and Primary School, and L.A. Primary School in Oriire Local Government Area—like most schools in Nigeria, were in every practical sense UNSAFE SCHOOLS right from the beginning,” he asserted.
Shehu argued that the ultimate objective of security policy is not to rescue children after they have been abducted but to prevent schools from becoming targets in the first place.
“A nation that continually celebrates successful hostage rescues without making its schools safer has addressed the symptom while leaving the underlying vulnerability intact,” he warned.
—
A CALL FOR COMPREHENSIVE REVIEW
The security expert has called for a thorough after-action review of the Ogbomoso incident, examining intelligence indicators, emergency response procedures, and security architecture around vulnerable schools.
“These questions are not criticisms. They are the foundation of professional improvement. Security institutions that refuse to learn eventually repeat their mistakes. Those that institutionalise learning become progressively stronger,” Shehu stated.
—
PSYCHOSOCIAL RECOVERY
Shehu also emphasised that the Government’s responsibilities continue beyond the rescue operation.
“The rescued pupils and teachers are survivors of a traumatic experience. They now require protection of a different kind: medical examinations, psychological first aid, trauma-informed counselling, family reunification, educational reintegration, and long-term psychosocial support,” he said.
“Children emerging from prolonged captivity should never become media spectacles.”
—
THE ENDURING VICTORY
“Recovering the remaining children and teachers was the immediate victory. Making every Nigerian school a genuinely safe school will be the enduring victory,” Shehu concluded.
“That is the lesson we must preserve.”
STATE OF THE NATION: INSECURITY IN NIGERIA AND MATTERS ARISING
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Opinion
Nobody needs NYSC reform – Reuben Abati
Nobody needs NYSC reform – Reuben Abati
Peter F. Drucker, the Austrian-American management guru (1909 -2005), it was who opined that change is an inevitable constant in human situations and that innovation is important in the 21st Century where skills become obsolete at the speed of light and what was deemed essential yesterday sooner or later becomes irrelevant, requiring new thinking, new styles, new modes to remain relevant and to gain new knowledge. But the proposed plan by the Federal Government of Nigeria to reform the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) programme does not fit into this pattern. It is a classic case of majoring in the minors, a misplaced priority, a wasteful adventure whose long-term subliminal objective may be mere self-enrichment that would not change much but rather cause unwanted confusion.
The Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration has advertised itself as a reform-minded administration. But certain reforms do not come across as a priority, and this NYSC reform is one such thoughtless proposition, like, if we may cite an earlier example, the decision to revert to the old Nigerian national anthem. I watch people at public events, they sing along most reluctantly because there was no consensus, nor has there been any buy-in, that Nigeria needed to change its National Anthem. It is important that policies are not enacted or revised simply to satisfy the personal fancy or the whims of anyone, no matter how highly placed. In the case of the NYSC, nobody was consulted. We woke up one morning only to be told by the minister of state for youth development, Ayodele Olawande, that a decision had been taken to reform the NYSC programme. Nobody needs NYSC reform.
The NYSC is 53 years old. Established in May 1973 by the Yakubu Gowon military administration, it was a post-civil war measure in pursuit of the objectives of the three Rs: reconciliation, rehabilitation, and reconstruction, to reintegrate Nigerians and reunite them and heal the wounds of the civil war. The fratricidal war divided Nigeria and watered the seeds of ethnicity and difference.
Over 50 years later, the wounds are yet to heal. The NYSC was an attempt at reconciliation. It started with the posting of graduates of tertiary institutions to cities and states far away from their homes and places of graduation, to allow them to live among other people, get to understand Nigeria and learn to serve Nigeria selflessly. The emphasis was on service. When the late sage Chinua Achebe wrote that “there was once a country”, the NYSC was part of that effort at the making and remaking of Nigeria. It is the case that when the country began to fail on all fronts in terms of security, institutional integrity, and increased ethnic and religious division, a group of Nigerians began to agitate that the NYSC was no longer serving its purpose and it should be scrapped.
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Except that the problem is not with the scheme but the Nigerian factor: the inbred tendency by those in charge to minimise every good thing and ruin it. It is instructive that the Tinubu administration is not contemplating an abandonment of the scheme. Apart from the fact that this would be a disservice to the father of the NYSC, General Yakubu Gowon, who is still alive, it would amount to an unconscionable erosion of a significant aspect of collective public memory. Those who participated in the scheme in the earlier days have fond memories.
On Saturday, during a radio programme, Professor Seun Omotayo, a professor of sports psychology, currently based in Ghana, recalled that when he completed his undergraduate studies at the University of Ibadan, he was posted for National Service in Ogun state. He was not happy that he was being sent to his home state. He personally went to the NYSC office in Lagos and asked to be posted to the northern part of Nigeria. I doubt if anyone would request such a change of posting these days. On Sunday, I had a conversation on the NYSC with Emeritus Professor Duro Oni of the University of Lagos, in the course of which he held the view that the NYSC remains relevant to Nigeria’s growth and development. The NYSC gave him his wife. He met her when she came to participate in the scheme in Lagos. Today, the woman from Ogoja in Cross River state has given him four sons and six grandchildren. “I probably would never have met her if there was no NYSC.”
There are many Nigerians who have a similar experience: inter-ethnic marriages being one of the gains of the NYSC. Those who would probably never have left their hometowns discovered Nigeria through the eyes and experiences of other Nigerians and communities. Life-long friendships have been formed over the years. I know Shedrack Akolokwu from Omoku-Ogba in Rivers state, for example. I was a young secondary student when he came to serve Nigeria in Abeokuta, Ogun state. He was so much a part of the community. He and I have remained in touch over the years. The last time I saw him in Port Harcourt, he was asking after everybody in the neighbourhood, mentioning each person’s name as if he had left Abeokuta yesterday, and it has been over 45 years since he participated in the NYSC.
My service year was spent in Benin City, old Bendel state. A few years ago, I found myself in Benin. I quickly asked the driver to take me to the compound where I lived. I also went to the department where I was a graduate assistant at the University of Benin, reliving old memories. I find it shocking, therefore, that one of the reforms being proposed by the Tinubu administration is that corps members may not be posted to conflict areas where insecurity may be a challenge, to ensure safety and reduce the anxiety of parents. Only indigenes of those areas or graduates of schools in such locations would be sent there. This defeats the fundamental objective of the NYSC: to promote unity and open up Nigeria to its young persons. And who the hell came up with the twisted logic that graduates and indigenes from conflict zones are better off in those zones? Every life is important. No Nigerian, whether a graduate or not, should be exposed to danger. It is the duty of the government to address the challenge of insecurity and make every part of Nigeria safe for all.
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Minister Olawande also said the NYSC uniform will be changed, although a final decision on this has not yet been taken. But the government is considering Ankara or the adire batik fabric. The idea is to promote locally made fabrics and support the Nigerian textile industry. I dare say that there is nothing wrong with the current NYSC uniform. The khaki fabric and the vest are more durable than either Ankara or adire that would start fading or get torn within a short while. The proposal is also likely to evoke ethnic comparisons and sentiments. Adire batik is largely produced in the south-western part of the country, made for the most part in Ogun, Osun and Kwara states. It may be dismissed as an opportunity to create business for only one part of the country. Igbos are likely to demand that the Isiagu should also become part of the NYSC uniform. Northerners are likely to ask for babanriga in the spirit of federal character. Other ethnic nationalities may also make a case for their own local attire. Nobody needs such confusion. What can be done is to improve the quality of the present uniform. In our time, the khaki had better quality, the vest and the boots too, but these days, the uniform is so poorly made, its cheapness is unmistakable.
The orientation camp for the NYSC, we are told, will be extended from four to six weeks, and the deployment will be restructured based on choices and processes during the camp, as the new NYSC will offer 11 specialised streams ranging from agriculture, education, technology and digital, healthcare, infrastructure, public service, legal, paramilitary and security, the economy, to enterprise. Corps members will be required to choose any of these streams, where within six weeks they can be trained in entrepreneurial skills and prepared for the job market. We are missing the point. The NYSC orientation camp is not a training school. It is meant to be an experience. If the plan is to teach entrepreneurship, that should have been done at the university level. It is the college curriculum that needs to be reviewed, and entrepreneurship built into the various disciplines in order to ensure a proper alignment between scholarship and the labour market, for a purposeful school-to-work transition.
In its original design, the NYSC was meant to provide paramilitary training and inculcate the values of discipline and service. Indeed, there is nothing new about the six-week proposal. During the 1990/91 batch, corps members spent six weeks in camp and were even taught how to handle small arms and light weapons. But the military government soon abandoned the idea out of fear that the state may have unwittingly been training potential coup plotters. The so-called streams actually exist. In our time, corps members were assigned to specific responsibilities: persons who manned the kitchen prepared the meals and served others, some corps members served as Platoon commanders while everyone marched, we had press club, drama club, and it all worked out smoothly. Part of the reform is to place the NYSC under civilian leadership. Under the present arrangement, the director-general may be from the education corps of the Nigerian military, but at the state level, the NYSC secretariats are manned by civilians, and so changing the headship of the scheme will not make much difference as long as standards are maintained.
What the federal government needs to do is to make the NYSC experience richer and more exciting for those who participate in it. The monthly allowance for corps members should be increased, and feeding at the orientation camps should be improved. Scrap the monthly community development exercises. Ensure that the orientation camps are properly secured to eliminate the risk of bandits and terrorists attacking those camps to kidnap corps members. Corps members should be deployed to places of primary assignment relevant to their fields of study. There is no point in changing from a passing-out parade to a graduation ceremony. Will corps members now wear graduation gowns? That is not necessary. Will the proposed reforms modernise the NYSC? No. Will they improve employability? I don’t think so.
There are far more important and urgent issues that the federal government should be concerned about at this moment. One, the terribly embarrassing disclosure that a certain Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi Matthew set up a fake Presidential Agency – the Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council (PFIPC) and Presidential Economic Advisory Council (PEAC) – which the Presidency now disclaims as a scam operation, and yet the said Prince had been operating openly – meeting with key government officials, receiving ambassadors in audience, and running an office at the Federal Secretariat that was duly allocated to him by the Office of the Sectary to the Government of the Federation. He has over 300 staff, including directors, who are all on the government payroll. His fake agency even got a N1.3 billion allocation in the 2026 Budget. He runs 39 bank accounts and even has accounts with the Central Bank of Nigeria. He has since been charged to court, and his matter comes up on July 27. The man is in no way apologetic. He says he has a letter of appointment and that he paid N600 million to the president’s chief of staff, Rt. Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila, to get appointed. Trouble started when his sponsor wanted a lion’s share of the budgetary allocation to his office. He says one Babatunde Tanimola facilitated his appointment, but now Tanimola died in a hotel room in Abuja just before he, Adeniyi, was arrested in November 2025. Indeed, who knows tomorrow?
What we know today is the spectacle before us: a spectacle of institutional failure, incompetence, collusion, corruption and the failure of due process. If it is possible to manufacture a non-existent government agency and operate openly and brazenly, then there are persons within the entire government machinery who must answer questions. A thorough investigation must be conducted to find out if there are other similar agencies in the Federal Capital Territory. Prince Adeniyi’s boldness is so shocking. He should have his day in court. He should be allowed to say all that he knows, and no attempt whatsoever should be made to intimidate him. It is wrong, as the police reportedly did yesterday, to arrest Adeniyi’s father in lieu. Police allegedly stormed his parents’ home in Ogbomoso and arrested his father and a family friend. It is illegal to do so. Criminal liability is personal. It is not transferable in light of Section 7 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA), 2015. The Nigerian Police, not knowing this, is scandalous.
The other urgent issue would be the observation by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that the Nigerian government has frittered away 2% of GDP (about N8.8 trillion) on off-budget spending. The prompt reaction from the Minister of Finance, Taiwo Oyedele, is to deny and insist that Nigeria does not have any ghost budget. This does not call for bluffing. The same government that introduced Executive Order 9 to ensure transparency and accountability in government finances should take allegations of hidden deficit, opaqueness and failure of oversight more seriously. Finally, it is about time Nigeria took South Africa to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on its request for compensation over xenophobia losses, the genocide in South Africa and that country’s institutionalisation of hatred. On the question of NYSC reform, it is in the best interest of the Nigerian government to listen to the people’s responses and retrace its steps forthwith.
Nobody needs NYSC reform – Reuben Abati
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Opinion
Dr. Dayo Mobereola at NIMASA: Over two years of Reform, Stability, and the Road Ahead
Dr. Dayo Mobereola at NIMASA: Over two years of Reform, Stability, and the Road Ahead
By Kolawole Ojelabi
When Dr. Dayo Mobereola assumed office as the Director-General of the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) in March 2024, expectations were high. With an extensive background in public sector administration, transport infrastructure, and institutional reforms, stakeholders anticipated a leadership that would reposition Nigeria’s maritime sector to support economic growth better. Dr. Mobereola was the first Managing Director of the Lagos Metropolitan Area Transport Authority (LAMATA), and while at LAMATA, he implemented most of the reforms in the public transport space that are today yielding lots of fruits.
More than two years into his administration, the agency has recorded progress in several key areas. The achievements recorded during this period have been driven not only by Dr. Mobereola’s administrative reforms but also by the strategic policy direction and unwavering support of His Excellency Adegboyega Oyetola, Minister of Marine and Blue Economy. Since the creation of the Ministry, Oyetola has provided the political leadership and international engagement necessary to reposition Nigeria’s maritime sector within the Federal Government’s Renewed Hope Agenda.
However, significant challenges remain, requiring sustained reforms if Nigeria is to harness the enormous potential of its blue economy fully.
The achievements recorded during this period have been driven not only by Dr. Mobereola’s administrative reforms but also by the strategic policy direction and unwavering support of His Excellency Adegboyega Oyetola, Minister of Marine and Blue Economy. Since the creation of the Ministry, Oyetola has provided the political leadership and international engagement necessary to reposition Nigeria’s maritime sector within the Federal Government’s Renewed Hope Agenda.
One of the notable achievements under Dr. Mobereola’s leadership has been the continued consolidation of maritime security gains. NIMASA has maintained collaboration with the Nigerian Navy and other security agencies in sustaining the Deep Blue Project, which has contributed to the reduction of piracy and armed robbery in Nigerian waters.
The improved security environment has enhanced Nigeria’s reputation within the Gulf of Guinea, encouraging greater confidence among international shipping companies and insurers.
The administration has adopted a more consultative approach with industry stakeholders. Shipowners, terminal operators, labour unions, maritime training institutions and government agencies have enjoyed increased engagement on policy matters. This dialogue has helped improve confidence in the agency and encouraged greater collaboration in addressing industry challenges.
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In alignment with the Federal Government’s Renewed Hope Agenda and the creation of the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy, NIMASA has increasingly positioned itself as a strategic driver of Nigeria’s blue economy.
The agency has continued to promote investment opportunities in shipping, fisheries, maritime transport, offshore services and marine environmental protection.
NIMASA has maintained support for the Nigerian Seafarers Development Programme (NSDP), while pursuing initiatives aimed at increasing the employability of Nigerian cadets.
Nevertheless, the long-standing challenge of securing mandatory sea-time training for graduates remains unresolved, limiting the country’s ability to produce internationally certified seafarers in sufficient numbers.
The agency has continued its statutory responsibilities in ship registration, flag-state and port-state inspections, marine pollution control and enforcement of international maritime conventions.
There have also been sustained efforts to strengthen Nigeria’s compliance with International Maritime Organization (IMO) standards through improved regulatory oversight, maritime safety initiatives, and institutional reforms. These efforts culminated in Nigeria’s successful election back into Category C of the IMO Council, a significant diplomatic and maritime achievement. The victory reflected the combined efforts of the Federal Government, with Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, His Excellency Adegboyega Oyetola, leading Nigeria’s diplomatic campaign and international engagements, while NIMASA, under Dr. Dayo Mobereola, provided the technical and regulatory foundation that reinforced the country’s credibility before the global maritime community. Despite these positive developments, several critical issues deserve greater focus.
There is a need to resolve the issues of thousands of Nigerian cadets unable to complete their certification because of insufficient sea-time opportunities.
NIMASA should work with indigenous shipowners, international shipping companies, and the Nigerian Navy to establish structured sea-time programmes. Incentives should also be introduced for vessels that provide cadet placements.
The decline of Nigerian-owned vessels continues to limit indigenous participation in international trade. The agency should accelerate reforms that promote fleet expansion, improve access to financing, and encourage local ship ownership.
A vexed issue is the implementation of the Cabotage Vessel Financing Fund (CVFF). Perhaps no issue has generated more industry debate than the prolonged delay in disbursing the Cabotage Vessel Financing Fund.
Incidentally, the agency a while ago opened its portal for qualified indigenous shipping to apply for the fund. Transparent implementation of the fund would certainly significantly strengthen indigenous shipping companies and create employment opportunities for Nigerian seafarers.
Further digitization of ship registration, licensing, certification, and regulatory processes would reduce bureaucracy, improve transparency, and enhance operational efficiency. Digital platforms should enable stakeholders to complete transactions seamlessly without unnecessary delays.
There is also a need for closer partnerships between NIMASA, maritime academies, and universities. This would improve curriculum relevance and align training with international standards.
Investment in simulators, research facilities, and modern equipment is equally important.
Beyond training, greater attention should be paid to the welfare, insurance, medical support, and career progression of Nigerian seafarers.
Implementation of the Maritime Labour Convention should remain a priority.
Climate change is increasingly influencing global shipping. NIMASA should continue promoting cleaner shipping practices, marine pollution control, ballast water management, and decarbonization initiatives consistent with IMO regulations.
Although port operations involve several government agencies, NIMASA can continue collaborating with the Nigerian Ports Authority, the Nigerian Customs Service, and other stakeholders to reduce vessel waiting time, eliminate operational bottlenecks, and improve Nigeria’s competitiveness.
At the time he took over at NIMASA, Dr. Dayo Mobereola inherited an agency operating within a maritime industry facing numerous structural challenges. His administration has demonstrated a commitment to institutional stability, stakeholder engagement, maritime security, and regulatory effectiveness. Working in close alignment with Minister Oyetola’s vision for the marine and blue economy, the agency has also helped restore confidence in Nigeria’s maritime governance. Their collaborative approach—combining ministerial policy leadership with institutional execution by NIMASA—has strengthened Nigeria’s standing among regional and global maritime stakeholders.
However, the true measure of success will depend on translating policy into measurable outcomes—particularly in indigenous fleet development, implementation of the Cabotage Vessel Financing Fund, creation of employment for Nigerian seafarers, digital transformation and strengthening Nigeria’s position as a leading maritime nation in Africa.
The opportunities within the blue economy are immense. With sustained reforms, stronger public-private partnerships and consistent policy implementation, NIMASA under Dr. Dayo Mobereola, working in tandem with the strategic leadership of His Excellency Adegboyega Oyetola, has the potential to play a transformative role in unlocking these opportunities. Nigeria’s return to the IMO Council demonstrates what coordinated political leadership and effective institutional execution can achieve. Building on that momentum will be critical to expanding indigenous shipping, creating jobs, attracting investment and positioning Nigeria as Africa’s leading maritime nation.
Dr. Dayo Mobereola at NIMASA: Over two years of Reform, Stability, and the Road Ahead
Kolawole Ojelabi, a developmental journalist and public commentator, writes from Lagos.
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