Opinion
How Nigeria Turned U.S. Pressure into Strategic Advantage
How Nigeria Turned U.S. Pressure into Strategic Advantage – Sadiq Mohammed
If diplomacy were a chessboard, Nigeria has just moved from being the piece under attack to becoming the player with positional advantage. The same international community that once threatened sanctions, hinted at military intervention, and labelled Nigeria a Country of Particular Concern is now sitting across the table not as an enforcer, but as a partner. That shift did not happen by accident; it is the result of smart geopolitical recalibration, patient statecraft, and the emergence of a coordinated security leadership capable of converting pressure into power.
The constitution of the US–Nigeria Joint Security Working Group—coming shortly after Nigeria established its own inter-agency national working group—is the clearest signal that Abuja has turned an adversarial moment into a cooperative alliance. Typically, when a country is sanctioned, threatened, warned, or placed on watchlists, the next stage is isolation. Nigeria did the opposite. Rather than respond with defiance or panic, the administration transformed pressure into opportunity. It is akin to a boxer absorbing a heavy punch and using the momentum to corner his opponent. Pressure became leverage.
Geopolitically, Nigeria has achieved what many nations fail to do under scrutiny: turn forced engagement into equal partnership. The United States entered the conversation with hard-power posturing—from the CPC designation to veiled military rhetoric—but has now shifted toward joint operations, intelligence fusion, capability building, and co-designed security doctrine. The transition from “guns-blazing” rhetoric to a structured working group led by Nigeria’s National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, signals a return to diplomatic equilibrium in which Nigeria is not the subject of intervention, but the architect of cooperation.
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This is a strategic win for Nigeria for one key reason: once a crisis is reframed as a shared challenge, the weaker party becomes stronger. Instead of standing alone before a global security establishment, Nigeria now stands beside a global security powerhouse. Instead of unilateral penalties, there is multilateral problem-solving. Instead of receiving lectures, Nigeria engages in collaboration. Instead of threats, there is structured coordination. It is the difference between being the patient on the table and becoming part of the surgical team.
Even the initial talk of sanctions—widely viewed as a diplomatic setback—has now evolved into a bargaining chip. In international relations, pressure weakens a nation only when it is internally fragmented. Nigeria responded with institutional consolidation: defence, intelligence, foreign affairs, interior, and police operations were aligned under one coherent structure within the Office of the National Security Adviser. That unified front presented the United States with a serious partner to work with—not a divided bureaucracy to dictate to. And in geopolitics, unity is power.
The optics matter as well. When a country that once considered dramatic intervention now opts for joint working groups, it is an implicit admission that Nigeria is indispensable to regional stability. Nigeria’s leverage lies not only in its population or economy, but in its geography. Without Nigeria’s cooperation, no counter-terrorism framework in West or Central Africa can succeed. Washington knows it. The world knows it. This new phase simply formalises that reality.
In the long run, Nigeria stands to gain the most because the partnership now aligns with Nigerian-led priorities. The coordination is anchored under the NSA. The agenda reflects Nigeria’s security needs. The operational synergy strengthens Nigeria’s institutions. And the knowledge transfer, technology sharing, and intelligence integration will continue to enhance Nigeria’s security capacity long after this administration.
At the beginning of the year, Nigeria was being cautioned. Today, Nigeria is being consulted. That transition is not merely a diplomatic success story; it is a geopolitical turnaround. What once appeared as pressure has become opportunity. What seemed like a threat has become the foundation of strategic advantage. And what many assumed was Nigeria’s weakest moment has evolved into the pivot for a stronger, smarter, and more globally integrated security framework.
This is how nations rise—not by avoiding storms, but by learning to turn the wind in their favour.
How Nigeria Turned U.S. Pressure into Strategic Advantage
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Opinion
2027: Competence, Not Zoning, Should Decide Nigeria’s Next President — Imasuagbon
Nigerians should look beyond ethnicity, region and the longstanding debate over rotational presidency when choosing the country’s next leader, according to a chieftain of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Kenneth Imasuagbon.
The former Edo State governorship aspirant said the priority ahead of the 2027 election should be finding a president with the ability to confront Nigeria’s economic, security and infrastructure challenges.
Speaking to journalists in Benin, Imasuagbon argued that presidential rotation is not a requirement of the Nigerian Constitution and should therefore not outweigh the question of competence.
He said voters should be more concerned about replacing poor schools with better ones, improving healthcare and addressing hardship than debating where the next president comes from.
Imasuagbon specifically appealed to voters in the South to support former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who is contesting the 2027 presidency on the ADC platform.
According to him, Atiku has demonstrated the experience and determination needed to improve the country, describing the former vice president as someone capable of promoting national unity and fairness.
He also accused the Bola Tinubu administration of worsening economic pressure through policies including the removal of fuel subsidy, while expressing concern about the condition of roads, electricity and other infrastructure.
Imasuagbon argued that the next administration must focus on practical improvements in areas such as power, transportation, employment, security and public services.
The ADC chieftain also dismissed the idea that the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) would automatically benefit from its incumbency advantage in 2027.
He maintained that the electorate ultimately determines the outcome of an election, arguing that voters could change the political direction of the country if they were determined to do so.
Imasuagbon further criticised what he described as regional and ethnic considerations in the distribution of political appointments and opportunities, insisting that the next president should give Nigerians across different parts of the country a sense of belonging.
His comments come as political parties and their candidates intensify preparations for the 2027 presidential election.
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Opinion
Lesson from Dotun Oladipo’s Brave Daughters, by Bamidele Johnson
Lesson from Dotun Oladipo’s Brave Daughters, by Bamidele Johnson
I hope to grow old. I want to see my kids become real adults, find their own feet, make mistakes, recover from them, and perhaps one day complain that their own children are giving them grey hairs. I want that plainly stated before anything else, as everything that follows might read as a man agreeing to an early exit rather than a man simply being honest about the odds.
I want the decades. I want to become the grandfather who repeats the same stories until nobody bothers correcting him anymore. But wanting a thing and being granted are different things. The last year has made that difference harder to ignore than I would like. I have lost many friends recently to keep thinking that optimism is my natural resting state. Some of these men had better blood pressure than mine, better habits, better everything that is supposed to count. It did not save them.
There is no formula I know that reliably separates the men who make it to 70 from those who do not. Anyone who says he knows one is selling something. So, I do not assume that old age is an already booked destination. Even if I once did, which I doubt, the last three years have cured me of such an illusion. As such, I treat it as a hope rather than an expectation, and I have found that a more honest way to live.
It is exactly why I want something placed on record now, while I am still able to place things on record, rather than leave it for people to guess what my wishes were in the fog of a funeral week. If I do not make old bones, my children are not to be asked to read tributes at my funeral. Not one line, however short, however lovingly written.
This, for me, was settled today rather than re-opened. At Dotun Oladipo’s funeral service, his three daughters took turns to read their tributes to their dad, and I found myself watching them with awe. There was a kind of strength in them that I do not possess. It is the strength needed to stand in front of a hall brimming with grieving adults and speak about a man they have just lost. Forever. Strength, however, is not the same as ease. I could see plainly what that strength was costing them as they read. Their voices caught. Their composure held and then did not hold and then held again through sheer will.
In front of them, in the pews, men and women considerably older than them came undone in ways the girls themselves were somehow managing to resist. I went mightily close. Some of the sobbing was quiet, the type people try to fold into a handkerchief. Some of it was not quiet at all, the kind that announces itself whether or not you want it.
Those young women honoured their father with a grace that is beyond me. What they did was astonishing. So, what I am attempting is an observation of a custom I have now watched wound people. This was not the first time I had watched this particular ritual extract more than it should from people already running on fumes. I saw an earlier and harder version of it at a friend’s wake back in 2015.
The first son was called forward to read his father’s tribute, and he could not do it. He tried, but the words would not come, and he stood there in front of a crowd of mourners, with his grief simply refusing to organise itself into sentences. The officiating minister, rather than releasing him from the task, urged him to continue. I sat fizzing with sorrow and ire. He could not go on and, eventually, the minister accepted, but not before insisting a while longer than it should have reasonably taken. His younger brother was called up next, presumably on the theory that if one grieving son could not manage it, maybe another one could. He flunked it in the same way. Grief does not distribute itself more conveniently among siblings just because a programme has been printed and needs to be followed.
I have turned that memory over many times since, trying to work out why this part of the rites is treated as mandatory in the first place. I have not found a satisfying answer. Maybe it comes from a belief that a child’s words carry more weight than anyone else’s, which may even be true, but weight is exactly the problem when those carrying it are struggling to hold themselves together with nothing but adrenaline and the fear of dissolving in public.
Maybe it is simply inertia, the reason we still do a hundred things at funerals that nobody can explain the original purpose of. Either way, I have stopped looking for the justification. I no longer think one exists that is good enough to weigh against what I watched happen to that boy in 2015.
So, let this stand as my instruction rather than my preference, the kind of thing I would rather state plainly now than leave for my children to infer later from how uncertain I sound when the subject comes up in passing. If I do not get the old age I am hoping for, my children will not be asked to read a single word over my body. Someone else can speak for me. A friend, a stranger with a steadier voice and a smaller stake in the loss, anyone whose grief will not be quite so total that standing upright becomes almost impossible.
My children, of course, will sit in front and fall apart if that is what the day requires of them, but without the microphone. That, at least, is one small mercy I intend to arrange for them while I am still here to arrange it.
Dotun deserved every bit of the send-off his daughters gave him today, and I suspect he would have been the first to tell them to sit down and let someone else carry the weight for a while. He did not get a say in that, as none of us ever do once we are the ones being spoken of rather than the ones speaking. Rest well, Dotun. You raised three young women whose strength I will not soon forget. That alone says everything worth saying about the man you were.

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Opinion
‘Tinubu Will Win Again in 2027’ — Charismatic Bishops’ Secretary
‘Tinubu Will Win Again in 2027’ — Charismatic Bishops’ Secretary
A senior Nigerian cleric, Archbishop Chivir Chianson, has declared that President Bola Tinubu will retain the presidency after the 2027 general election, attributing the prediction to a message he said came from God.
Chianson, who serves as Secretary General of the Charismatic Bishops’ Conference of Nigeria, made the statement while appearing on Arise Television on Saturday.
Rather than basing his prediction on political calculations, the archbishop said his confidence came from what he described as the prophetic role of bishops.
He maintained that the conference had previously spoken about Tinubu’s political future based on what he said was divine revelation and that the President would return for another term.
Chianson also predicted that Tinubu’s performance would improve if he wins the 2027 election.
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Addressing the political opposition, the cleric said the bishops could not be blamed if rival parties failed to unite or organise themselves effectively ahead of the election.
He also sought to clarify the position of the bishops when dealing with government, saying their role in speaking truth to power did not mean they should approach political leaders with hostility or disrespect.
According to him, the Constitution, alongside their religious convictions, should guide how they engage the President and the country.
Chianson said he was sufficiently confident in his prediction to promise that he would return to the Arise TV studio after the 2027 election, when he expects the result to demonstrate that the bishops’ prophecy was correct.
His comments add a religious dimension to the increasingly active political conversation surrounding the 2027 presidential race.
‘Tinubu Will Win Again in 2027’ — Charismatic Bishops’ Secretary
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