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Controversy over timeframe as Presidential Tribunal commences pre-hearing session
Controversy over timeframe as Presidential Tribunal commences pre-hearing session
The Presidential Election Petition Tribunal (PEPT) will today commence pre-hearing session in the five petitions challenging the declaration of Bola Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC), as the President- elect.
The Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission, Mahmood Yakubu, had on March 1 declared Tinubu the president-elect on the grounds that his party scored the majority of votes cast in the polls.
Dissatisfied with the result, five political parties and their presidential candidates filed separate petitions seeking orders to annul the election and declared them as winners or alternatively an order directing the INEC to conduct a fresh election.
The petitioners are the opposition Peoples Democratic Party(PDP) and Atiku Abubakar, marked CA/PEPC/05/2023; the Labour Party (LP) and Peter Obi, marked: CA/PEPC/04/2023; the Action Alliance (AA) and its presidential candidate, Solomon Okangbuan; with No: CA/PEPC/01/2023; Allied Peoples Movement (APM) and its candidate, Chichi Ojei, with suit number: CA/PEPC/03/2023; and the Action Peoples Party (APP) in a petition with No CA/PEPC/02/2023.
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The tribunal has fixed the pre-hearing session after it has stopped receiving replies to the various petitions on April 23.
Technically, today’s proceedings are specifically to sort preliminary applications before proceeding with the substantive petitions.
Regardless of the date fixed for the hearing of the petitions, there are calls by some legal experts, political analysts, Civil Society Organizations, religious leaders and other stakeholders for the amendment of the electoral process in a manner that every election petition case would be dispensed with before swearing in the declared winner.
In Nigeria, election petitions are governed by specific electoral law making them unique in nature. Section 288 of the constitution and the Electoral Act 2022 regulate elections, while petitions are also governed by the 1999 Constitution and the Electoral Act.
The call is necessitated by the fact that some provisions of the 1999 constitution and the Electoral Act erect legal roadblocks and difficult for petitioners challenging the conduct and outcome of elections to sail through to victory at the tribunals.
One of such notorious provisions is section 285 (6) which provides that “An election tribunal shall deliver judgment in writing within 180 days from the date of filing of the petition.”
Those advocating for the amendment of the electoral process are of the view that the Section 285 (6) is inimical to achieving fair hearing enshrined in the same Constitution. To them, setting 21-day time frame within which to file a petition challenging the conduct of elections in Nigeria is ridiculous.
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They noted that challenging the conduct or outcome of a presidential election implies challenging the election conducted in 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). According to the legal experts, law that gives the petitioner 21 days to gather his materials and articulate his grievances in a form that can be presented before the tribunal within 21 days is not progressive, considering the fact that the same 21-day deadline was also given to opposition candidates to file their petitions for other categories of election held in smaller geographical areas like state, district and constituency.
It is therefore their opinion that these requirements of the laws do not provide a fair and level playing grounds for the parties involved in election petitions as swearing in those declared winners pending the determination of the tribunal cases has often given the defendants undue advantage to use the state resources to fight their opponents at the tribunal.
Since the return of the fourth republic, presidential election results have always been rejected and contested at the tribunal with exception to the 2015 presidential election won by President Muhammadu Buhari.
In 1999, the election of former President Olusegun Obasanjo was challenged at the tribunal by Chief Olu Falae. In 2003, Obasanjo’s re-election was challenged by Muhammadu Buhari.
In 2007, both Muhammadu Buhari and Atiku Abubakar challenged the victory of late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua who won a highly controversial election. Buhari returned to the tribunal in 2011 when he challenged the election of President Goodluck Jonathan.
There was no challenge of Buhari’s victory in 2015 as the then incumbent President, Jonathan conceded defeat and congratulated the winner. However, in 2019, Atiku Abubakar challenged the re-election of President Muhammadu Buhari.
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It is interesting to know that historically, no presidential election tribunal has upturned the election of the declared winner. The closest was in 2007 when the Supreme Court in a split decision of 4- 3 upheld the election of late President Umaru Musa Yar’ Adua.
The point to be considered is that, in all of the above situations, the presidential candidates so declared as winners by the electoral body, all took their oath of office on May 29, while petitions against them were still pending at the tribunals.
Those advocating for the conclusion of election petitions before swearing in the declared winner are of the view that the fact that the constitution prescribed a time frame of about 180 days, doesn’t mean that it must run its course since the policy has been overheated.
However, in as much as it is true that justice delayed is justice denied, it is no less axiomatic that justice rushed is justice crushed.
Until and unless a major constitutional adjustment is carried out, to the effect that nobody must be sworn in as anything whether president or governor or lawmakers until the petition has been exhausted, the laws regulating the hearing and determination of election petitions remains sacrosanct.
Dayo Akinlaja (SAN) said it is not feasible to achieve because there are inbuilt procedures to ensure fair hearing and parties are given timelines for filing processes.
He explained that a party cannot be stampeded to file processes before the expiry of the timelines allowed under the law and each party may decide to hurry or speed up the process.
All parties are entitled to fair hearing and there is no way fair hearing would not be sacrificed where the procedure of adjudication is inordinately rushed.
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To that extent, the agitation for the completion of election cases before May 29, 2023, cannot be effectuated within the prism or framework of the constitution and the Electoral Act, 2022, which provides for a decision or judgment to be delivered within 180 days of the filing of the petition against the return of a candidate in an election.
There are also the appeals arising therefrom to be completed within 60 days from the date of filing. To be achievable, both the Constitution and the Electoral Act will have to be amended to make such a provision.
In addition to the above, although the timeframe had been spelt out, parties still find ways to raise technical issues like failure to serve parties directly, failure to file within a certain time, failure to tender certain vital documents, objections and arguments over the admissibility of documents, lengthy cross-examination of witnesses etc.
Unfortunately, these are allowed by the (tribunal) courts which have stalled the process thus defeating the purpose of the legislative solutions or gains made.
Furthermore, all decisions must be within the law with judicial activism to restore confidence in the Nigerian election systems and to ensure no party is robbed as justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done.
In the future, it is possible to amend our laws and rules of court to accommodate such an idea, but it is clearly impossible under the nation’s present circumstances.
It is more arduous to prove an election petition than to defend it. That is why the petitioners need more time to prove their cases and not necessarily the defendants.
That is why the Petitioners are given 21 days to file and the defendants have 14 days to respond. And the Petitioners have a further 7 days to reply, making a total of 30 days as against the 14 days of the Respondents. It follows that in leading evidence in court/Tribunal in support of the petitions, the petitioners would also take more time.
Quote: “the agitation for the completion of election cases before May 29, 2023, cannot be effectuated within the prism or framework of the constitution and the Electoral Act, 2022, which provides for a decision or judgment to be delivered within 180 days of the filing of the petition against the return of a candidate in an election”
Controversy over timeframe as Presidential Tribunal commences pre-hearing session
SUN
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Warri-Itakpe Derailment: 4 Dead, 64 Injured – Opeifa Explains What Really Happened
Warri-Itakpe Derailment: 4 Dead, 64 Injured – Opeifa Explains What Really Happened
The Nigerian Railway Corporation has released a preliminary report indicating that a sudden wheel or bogie defect may have caused the June 8 train derailment in Delta State that killed four people and injured 64 others.
NIGERIA – The Nigerian Railway Corporation (NRC) has said that a “possible sudden development of a bogie or wheel defect” may have been the primary factor in the June 8, 2026 derailment of the Warri-Itakpe Train Service in Delta State. The corporation also identified the “possible manner of brake application” as a factor that may have contributed to the severity of the incident. However, the NRC stressed that both remain working hypotheses pending the conclusion of a comprehensive investigation. The NRC disclosed this in its preliminary report on the incident, which occurred at about 4:17 p.m. while the train was approaching the Outer Home signal of the Goodluck Jonathan Railway Station at kilometre 177, Owa-Oyibu, Agbor. “Based on the internal investigation carried out by the NRC inquiry team, preliminary observations indicate the possible sudden development of a bogie/wheel defect while en route. This observation is being investigated further as a potential primary factor in the derailment,” the NRC said in the report signed by its Managing Director, Kayode Opeifa. “A wheel defect of this nature may have generated abnormal wheel-rail interaction, excessive impact loading, and loss of running stability”.
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The train had departed Itakpe at noon with 482 people on board, comprising 442 passengers and 40 operational personnel. Five coaches, one locomotive, and a power car derailed, with three coaches and the power car overturning. The incident resulted in four confirmed deaths – three adults and one child – while 64 people sustained various injuries. Of those injured, 28 were treated and discharged at the Railway Hospital in Owa-Oyibu, while 36 others were taken to general hospitals in Owa-Oyibu, Owa-Alero, and Central Hospital, Agbor. Most of those admitted were discharged within 72 hours, though three people, including an NRC staff member who required surgery, remained under specialist medical care. All passengers were evacuated within two hours of the incident, with emergency response operations involving the Delta State Government, Nigeria Police Force, Federal Road Safety Corps, National Emergency Management Agency, and local authorities.
Importantly, the NRC inquiry team found that the railway points were intact and detected no evidence of track vandalism at the accident location. This distinguishes the June incident from two previous Warri-Itakpe accidents on November 1 and November 8, 2025, which were attributed to track vandalism. The NRC said the Nigerian Safety Investigation Bureau (NSIB) has commenced an independent investigation in line with statutory requirements, with the NRC fully cooperating with the process. The NSIB has recovered critical evidence from the accident scene, including witness statements, operational records, maintenance documentation, and technical data, which are undergoing detailed analysis. “The NSIB final report remains pending,” Opeifa stated.
The corporation said the track has been fully recovered and restored, while the locomotives are undergoing reconditioning. However, resumption of the Warri-Itakpe service would depend on the completion of a detailed track and equipment safety audit. The NRC’s preliminary report also recommended comprehensive inspections and safety audits of rolling stock, tracks, and railway infrastructure; strengthened maintenance and condition-monitoring programmes; updated operational procedures; and stronger enforcement of safety standards.
Warri-Itakpe Derailment: 4 Dead, 64 Injured – Opeifa Explains What Really Happened
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Subsidies or Student Loans? Minister Poses Tough Questions to Critics
Subsidies or Student Loans? Minister Poses Tough Questions to Critics
Information Minister Mohammed Idris cautions that restoring petrol subsidy would undermine fiscal progress, weaken investor confidence, and return Nigeria to the economic crisis of 2022, as the government highlights ₦6.47 trillion in infrastructure spending and over 10 million households reached with social transfers.
ABUJA, Nigeria – The Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, has issued a firm warning against renewed calls to restore the petrol subsidy, declaring that such a move would reverse the economic gains recorded under President Bola Tinubu’s administration and plunge Nigeria back into the fiscal crisis that characterised the old subsidy regime. In an Op-Ed titled “Restoring Fuel Subsidy Will Reverse Nigeria’s Economic Gains,” published on Monday, August 24, 2026, in several national dailies, the minister outlined the fiscal benefits of subsidy removal, the economic risks averted, and the difficult trade-offs that would confront the country should petrol subsidy be reintroduced. According to a statement issued by his Media Aide, Rabiu Ibrahim, in Abuja, Idris argued that proponents of subsidy restoration must confront the real opportunity costs of such a decision, asking whether Nigerians are willing to sacrifice student loans, consumer credit, infrastructure funding, and social protection for the return of a policy that proved economically devastating.
“Restoring subsidy would almost instantly return Nigeria to the economic conditions of 2022, recreating the same fiscal pressures, distortions, scarcity and incentives for arbitrage that made the old system unsustainable,” Idris said. The minister recalled that in 2022, amid declining oil production and weak revenues, Nigeria spent about $10 billion on fuel subsidies, while the World Bank warned that the subsidy was consuming resources that could otherwise have supported education, healthcare, infrastructure and social protection. He noted that the legacy Ways and Means financing, which stood at about ₦30 trillion in May 2023 and has since been curtailed, would have doubled to ₦60 trillion or more without the reforms, while 27 states that were unable to reliably pay salaries would have seen their situations worsen considerably.
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Idris posed a series of pointed questions to those calling for subsidy restoration, challenging them to consider what would be sacrificed. “Do we restore petrol subsidy, or sustain student loans and consumer credit for young Nigerians? Do we restore subsidy, or preserve higher allocations to states and local governments? Do we restore subsidy, or continue funding roads, rail, power and security? Do we restore subsidy, or strengthen the fiscal capacity required to expand healthcare, education and social protection for vulnerable Nigerians?” he asked. The minister emphasised that these are not rhetorical questions but real policy choices that would confront the nation. He noted that the Organised Private Sector and the wider economic community have also cautioned against reversing the reform, recognising that Nigeria cannot build tomorrow’s economy by returning to yesterday’s unsustainable subsidy regime.
Citing the Federal Government’s recently presented “Nigeria’s Reform Scorecard: The Benefits, Costs and Harms Prevented,” Idris noted that the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Dr. Taiwo Oyedele, disclosed that subsidy savings mobilised ₦15.8 trillion in resources for the Federation between June 2023 and December 2025. He explained that approximately ₦5.43 trillion accrued to the Federal Government, ₦6.52 trillion to states, and ₦3.88 trillion to local governments—clarifying that the ₦15.8 trillion was not a separate pool of cash but resources released within the Federation’s wider fiscal system. The minister noted that the increased fiscal space has strengthened the capacity of states and local governments to meet salary and pension obligations while enabling major federal investments in infrastructure, security, agriculture, and human capital. According to Idris, the Reform Scorecard recorded approximately ₦6.47 trillion in additional expenditure on strategic infrastructure, including major national corridors such as the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, Sokoto-Badagry Superhighway, and the Trans-Sahara Superhighway.
Beyond infrastructure, the minister highlighted that more than ₦400 billion has been committed to major social investment initiatives, including the Nigeria Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) with ₦223.8 billion, the MOFI Real Estate Investment Fund (MREIF) with ₦150 billion, and the Nigerian Consumer Credit Corporation (CREDICORP) with ₦50 billion. He added that social transfers have reached more than 10 million Nigerian households, providing critical support to vulnerable families across the country. Idris also pointed to renewed investor confidence, noting that the Nigerian stock market is the world’s best-performing in 2026, external reserves are at their highest level in nearly 20 years, and oil production has exceeded its OPEC quota for the first time in years. These indicators, he said, reflect the positive trajectory of the economy under the current reform agenda.
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The minister further warned that Nigeria is already carrying a substantial electricity subsidy estimated at ₦3.14 trillion between June 2023 and December 2025. This subsidy helps bridge the gap between actual power production costs and the capped tariffs paid by most consumers. According to figures from the Ministry of Finance, electricity subsidy payments rose sharply from N177 billion in 2023 to N1.48 trillion in 2024—an increase of more than 740 percent—before declining marginally to N1.47 trillion in 2025. “Reintroducing a petrol consumption subsidy on top of this would deal a double blow to Nigeria’s fiscal position,” Idris warned, noting that the combined burden would severely constrain the government’s ability to invest in critical sectors and maintain fiscal stability.
The minister also detailed the economic harm that the reforms have helped Nigeria avert. Had the subsidy regime remained unaddressed, he said, petrol scarcity would have returned, pushing prices above ₦3,000 per litre on the black market. The legacy Ways and Means financing, which stood at about ₦30 trillion in May 2023 and has since been curtailed, would have doubled to ₦60 trillion or more. The Scorecard projects that, without the reforms, the inherited situation of 27 states unable to reliably pay salaries would undoubtedly have worsened. Idris noted that the Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprise (CPPE) recently backed the Federal Government’s economic reform programme, saying the measures have produced measurable improvements in Nigeria’s fiscal and macroeconomic position, though it urged a shift from economic stability to productivity, investment, and improved living standards.
The minister acknowledged that Nigerians are facing difficulties arising from the reforms but maintained that reversing course is not the solution. “We are not claiming that the reforms have solved all of Nigeria’s economic challenges; there is indeed still much work to be done to translate improved fiscal capacity into better services, jobs, infrastructure and living standards,” he said. He urged citizens to view the reforms in the context of the country’s long-term economic stability and the need to build a stronger, more productive economy. “Nigeria cannot build tomorrow’s economy by returning to yesterday’s unsustainable subsidy regime. We have moved beyond that model,” Idris concluded.
Subsidies or Student Loans? Minister Poses Tough Questions to Critics
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