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Farooq Kperogi : Tinubu, listen to Falana on welfare for the poor

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Kperogi is a renowned columnist and United States-based professor of journalism.

Farooq Kperogi : Tinubu, listen to Falana on welfare for the poor

Femi Falana’s August 3 request to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to “approve not less than N5 trillion to fund the National Social Investment Programme” to counterpoise the mountingly punishing effects of his twin policies of unsustainably extortionate petrol price hike and naira devaluation has given me another discursive lifeline to write about an issue I had given up on.

As regular readers of my column would have noticed, there has been a significant diminution in both the numerical frequency and emotional intensity of my commentaries on economic issues, for reasons I’ll lay bare shortly. It suffices to say that I had resigned myself to the inevitability of the current state of affairs.

But if Falana, an esteemed Senior Advocate of Nigeria and vigorous advocate for everyday folks who has been treading this path for more than four decades, hasn’t given up, who am I to? Maybe, just maybe, if enough people sustain pressure on people in positions of power, they may be persuaded to reverse what seems like Nigeria’s intransigent march to economic perdition.

In his press statement, Falana recalled President Tinubu’s acknowledgement of the severe existential hurt that his policies have caused Nigerians and his appeal to APC governors to “wet the grass more and deliver progressive change to Nigerians.”

Falana used this presidential concession of the damaging effects of neoliberal policies to request two things: the funding of four mitigatory federal welfare programs already passed into law and ensuring “that the National Social Investment Programme Agency Act is adopted and enacted into law by the 36 state governments in Nigeria, rather than committing billions to renovating state houses while the masses wallow in abject poverty.”

These are reasonable demands to moderate the mass pain and sorrow that Tinubu’s policies have visited on the nation. At this point, frankly, it’s unrealistically optimistic to expect that Tinubu would reverse his punitive signature policies. If he can’t stop the fire he started, he should at least hand the most burned Nigerians some water.

You know this government is not ready to reverse course either out of pride or blind ideological commitment to neoliberal orthodoxy because it is now an obligatory rhetorical ritual for every government official and government apologists outside the orbit of the formal structures of government to preface every speech with an extolment of Tinubu’s “unprecedented,” “extra-ordinary,” “courageous” (take your pick) removal of subsidies and floating of the naira.

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When the very wrongheaded policies that are the triggers for mass economic distress in the land have been promoted, almost as an official policy, as the objects of obligatory worship, as worthy only of saccharine praises, and as evidence of grand, unexampled presidential derring-do, you know change is not in the cards.

As someone who studies and teaches rhetorical communication, it seems to me that the government’s strategy of conceding that its economic policies are visiting unprecedented economic violence on a lengtheningly vast swath of people while subtly enforcing the ritual of praising those very policies in public speeches is deliberate.

Government officials, including the president, habitually admit just enough of the hardship people are going through to seem empathetic, but without undermining the core argument that the policies that caused the hardship are “necessary” or “beneficial.”

The ultimate goal is, of course, to diffuse public anger by signaling, “We understand your pain,” while continuing the same course of action, anyway.

The injurious policies are then reframed as visionary, reformist, “necessary sacrifice for a better future,” short-term pain for long-term gain, “bitter medicine,” or “tightening our belts for national survival.”

This aligns well with what we call pathos-driven persuasion, which appeals to our sense of patriotism, resilience, and shared struggle, but often without any evidence of the long-term benefits that will arrive.

Praise of the government’s hurtful policies is ritualized in order to normalize them, drown out or weaken dissent and, ultimately, create a one-sided, unchallenged narrative.

I have to give it to the government’s paid mind managers. They have been remarkably adept at devising a strategic mix of concession and what is called propaganda reframing to create the illusion of empathy by government officials while leaving untouched the harmful policies that caused the pain that they feign empathy toward.

So, their rhetorical strategy combines pathos (acknowledging the suffering of the people), ethos (appearing reasonable by doing so), and logos (claiming the suffering is necessary if Nigeria is to avoid collapse), but it’s ultimately manipulative, since their acknowledgment of harm doesn’t lead to policy change.

That was one of the major reasons I gave up talking about these issues. What’s the point of continually writing about an issue when nothing nudges even an inch? It’s like shouting into the void or watering dead plants.

But my interest was reignited because Falana hasn’t given up. Another reason is the urge to confront another beloved ritualized talking point of officials of the Tinubu administration, including Tinubu himself, which is the idea that the removal of fuel subsidies and the devaluation of the naira have put more money into the coffers of governors than at any time in Nigeria’s history.

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This argument has always mystified and caused me second-hand embarrassment. First, when the value of the naira relative to the dollar has fallen to the unprecedented low-water mark that it has, foreign income earned in dollars will add up to more naira than ever before. Because the value of the naira is abysmally low, more naira doesn’t necessarily translate to more money.

Second and most importantly, what exactly is the value in giving governors more money when it doesn’t lead to the improvement in the quality of life of citizens?

As I have argued in several past columns, all that the so-called removal of fuel subsidy has achieved is to take money from the corrupt, subsidy-sucking oil importation cabal (whose corruption at least led to a reasonably affordable petrol price regime) to a cartel of equally corrupt, unaccountable governors, which has led to the current usurious petrol price regime and its devastating domino effect on the economy.

The money “saved” from stopping subsidy payments isn’t being used to build or renew infrastructure. The government is still borrowing, like previous governments did, to fund major infrastructure projects.

So, it’s safe to say all that Tinubu’s “courageous” and “extra-ordinary” policies have done is give more money to elected officials at the federal, state and local levels. And what’s the trade-off? The democratization of poverty.

I can bet my bottom dollar that if Nigerians are presented with a choice between the previous subsidy regime dominated by a select venal, rapacious fuel subsidy junto, which nonetheless kept the price of petrol at less than 200 naira a liter, and the current state of affairs that stuffs governors with more money than they need at the expense of the people, they won’t hesitate a split second to prefer the former.

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I admit that there are obviously a few conscientious governors who are trying hard to do the right things with the more money at their disposal, but without foolproof institutional guardrails, nothing that will make governors, suddenly awash with excess cash, to “wet the grass” for ordinary people, to use Tinubu’s expression.

What most governors do when they get their excess cash from the money “saved” from subsidy removal is, according to many news reports, convert the naira into foreign currencies and salt them away in their personal coffers.

NLC President Joe Ajaero pointed out on May 1st that several state governors still don’t pay the N70,000 minimum wage. This is not surprising because a 2024 report noted that 15 states had not implemented the previous ₦30,000 minimum wage.

Taking vast sums of money that ensured ordinary people could afford petrol for their basic transportational needs (and therefore make a tough economy survivable) and giving them to governors who can’t be compelled to pay a living wage to state workers is pure reverse Robin Hoodism, that is, robbing the poor to pay the rich.

Tinubu’s moral suasion to the governors won’t work. What will work is to follow Femi Falana’s advice and, in the short term, fund welfare programs already passed into law but ensuring that the programs are, as Falana put it, “managed by the accredited representatives of the Federal Government, elected representatives of trade unions and other credible civil society groups.”

In the long term, he should invest energies in guaranteeing that laws are passed to establish the state equivalents of these programs in ways that institutionally compel state governors to devote substantial portions of their allocations to the welfare of their citizens, irrespective of party affiliations.

The best long-range solution, for me, though, is to tackle the source of the renewed hell people are experiencing. Transformative leaders are often open to revising their policies if the effects of the policies are disastrous for the great majority of the people. That’s where real courage resides: the ability to admit that you are wrong and then change course.

 

 

Farooq Kperogi is a renowned columnist and United States-based Professor of Journalism

Farooq Kperogi : Tinubu, listen to Falana on welfare for the poor

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Opinion

Saudi Executions: Truth Behind Viral Kissing Claim

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Saudi Executions: Truth Behind Viral Kissing Claim

A Muslim scholar, Mallam Ibrahim Agunbiade, has urged the public to exercise caution over viral claims that two Bangladeshi nationals executed in Saudi Arabia were a married couple killed for kissing inside the Grand Mosque in Makkah, saying available official information does not establish the allegation.

In an article dated October 22, 2026, Agunbiade, a member of Al-Rabwa Islamic Propagation in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, said the execution of the two Bangladeshis on October 14 had generated widespread controversy, particularly on social media, where claims about the circumstances of their deaths circulated without sufficient verification.

He said the Saudi Ministry of Interior announced that the individuals, identified as Nazrul Islam Abdul Basir and Siti Akhtar, also known as Sweety Akhtar, had been convicted of committing an indecent act inside a mosque in Makkah and sentenced to death under ta’zir, a category of punishment determined under the applicable Islamic legal framework.

According to Agunbiade, the Saudi authorities stated that the judgments had received the necessary judicial approval and that a royal order had authorised the executions.

However, he noted that the ministry’s announcement did not specify the precise act for which the two were convicted or state that they were executed for kissing on the forehead, as alleged in viral social media posts.

The scholar said the distinction was important because claims that the deceased were a married couple who had been punished for kissing inside the Grand Mosque had not been substantiated by the publicly available official statement.

Citing a report published by Bangladesh’s The Daily Star on October 20, Agunbiade said a confidential consular memorandum reportedly indicated that the two were not married but had worked as cleaners for the same company in Saudi Arabia.

He added that the memorandum reportedly stated that Nazrul was detained in August 2023 under Saudi Arabia’s cybercrime law, while Sweety was detained the following day over an allegation of adultery.

Agunbiade said the available information did not explain how the earlier allegations related to the offence subsequently cited in the Saudi government’s execution announcement.

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He further disclosed that Nazrul’s parents had told Bangladeshi media that their son was unmarried and that the family did not know the woman involved.

The Bangladeshi government has reportedly requested copies of the court judgments and further clarification from Saudi authorities, according to the account presented by the scholar.

He said the documents would be important in establishing the precise offences, the evidence considered by the courts and the circumstances surrounding the convictions.

Until the judgments and additional official explanations become available, Agunbiade advised the public against presenting the claims that the pair were newlyweds or were executed specifically for kissing inside the mosque as established facts.

Islamic teachings on the sanctity of mosques

Beyond the controversy surrounding the executions, Agunbiade emphasised that Islam attaches great importance to the sanctity of mosques and appropriate conduct in places of worship.

He cited Qur’an 72:18, which states: “And the mosques are for Allah, so do not invoke anyone along with Allah.”

According to him, the verse underscores the sacred purpose of mosques as places devoted to the worship of Allah.

He also referred to a narration in Sahih Muslim concerning the purposes of mosques, including the remembrance of Allah, prayer and the recitation of the Qur’an.

Agunbiade said Muslims should respect these sacred spaces and avoid behaviour that distracts worshippers or undermines their religious purpose.

However, he cautioned against using religious teachings to justify the circulation of unverified allegations or drawing conclusions about a criminal case without sufficient evidence.

Qur’an warns against spreading unverified information

The scholar said the controversy also highlighted the importance of verifying information before sharing it, particularly when reports involve criminal allegations, religious sensitivities and the lives of individuals who can no longer respond to claims made about them.

He cited Qur’an 49:6, which instructs believers to investigate information brought by an unreliable source before acting upon it.

The verse states: “O you who believe, if a rebellious person comes to you with information, investigate it.”

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Agunbiade also cited a narration in the introduction to Sahih Muslim, commonly numbered Hadith 5, which warns that a person may be considered a liar if they narrate everything they hear.

He said the teachings were particularly relevant in an era when sensational claims could spread rapidly across social media platforms, often reaching large audiences before journalists or other responsible parties had established their authenticity.

According to him, journalists, religious commentators and members of the public have a duty to distinguish verified facts from allegations, speculation and unconfirmed accounts.

He warned that repeating a claim without checking its authenticity could mislead the public, damage reputations and inflame religious or social tensions.

Calls for clarification should not be confused with rejection of justice

Agunbiade also addressed questions surrounding the judicial proceedings that resulted in the executions, saying the reported request by the Bangladeshi government for copies of the judgments and further clarification deserved attention.

He cited Qur’an 16:90, which states that Allah commands justice and excellence, to underline the importance of fairness and accountability.

The scholar argued that seeking clarification about a criminal case should not automatically be interpreted as rejecting a court’s judgment.

Rather, he said, understanding the precise offence, the evidence presented and the circumstances of the proceedings was essential to an informed assessment of the case.

He also cautioned against drawing conclusions from the timing of the executions alongside international political developments, saying that the coincidence of events did not, by itself, establish a connection.

Any such suggestion, he maintained, would require credible supporting evidence.

Facts must be separated from speculation

Agunbiade concluded that the information presented in the Saudi Ministry of Interior’s announcement established that two Bangladeshi nationals had been executed after being convicted of an indecent act inside a mosque in Makkah.

However, he stressed that the announcement, as described in his article, did not substantiate the viral claim that the two were a married couple executed specifically for kissing on the forehead inside the Grand Mosque.

He called for responsible reporting and urged the public to avoid treating unverified social media narratives as confirmed accounts of the case.

The scholar said respect for the sanctity of mosques should go hand in hand with respect for truth, justice and responsible journalism.

As questions remain about the precise offence and the circumstances of the proceedings, the full court judgments and further official clarification from the relevant authorities would be necessary to establish a more complete account of the case.

The allegations circulating online should therefore be distinguished from the information confirmed in the publicly described official announcement, pending the release of further details.

Saudi Executions: Truth Behind Viral Kissing Claim

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OPINION: Who Still Needs the NYSC? — By Bola Bolawole

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Bola Bolawole

OPINION: Who Still Needs the NYSC? — By Bola Bolawole

The recent abduction of National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) members travelling from Ibadan, Oyo State, to orientation camps in the South-East and South-South has once again raised a difficult question: does Nigeria still need the NYSC in its present form?

The question is not new, but the latest incident has made it more urgent.

On October 1, two buses conveying NYSC members and other passengers from Ibadan to Uyo, Akwa Ibom State, and Bende, Abia State, were attacked by suspected armed men in Imo State. The police subsequently reported that 10 victims had been rescued, while efforts continued to establish the exact number of people still in captivity.

If the abducted young Nigerians travelled from Ibadan, some of them could be from Oyo and neighbouring South-West states, although victims may also have come from other parts of the country. The incident should therefore concern Nigerians collectively.

Governors whose citizens are affected should not leave the matter entirely to the Federal Government. Even where they do not directly control the police or military operations, they can support affected families, communicate with them and provide whatever assistance falls within their powers.

Questions over police handling

There are also serious questions about how information concerning the operation was handled.

The Imo State Commissioner of Police, CP Audu Bosso, disclosed that security operatives had located the kidnappers’ camp but were unable to immediately advance because intelligence indicated that the area had been mined with explosives. He also spoke about the use of drones and preparations for further operations.

That raises an important question about the disclosure of sensitive operational information while a rescue operation is still ongoing.

Security agencies must communicate with the public, but such communication should not inadvertently expose operational strategies, locations or vulnerabilities that could assist criminals.

The media, too, must exercise responsibility. The desire to break news or attract traffic should never override the safety of victims or security personnel.

Why was NYSC established?

The National Youth Service Corps was established by Decree No. 24 of May 22, 1973, following the Nigerian Civil War.

According to the NYSC, the scheme was created to promote national unity and develop common ties among Nigerian youths. Its broader purpose was to encourage young Nigerians to serve communities outside their immediate cultural and geographical environments.

The idea was understandable.

Nigeria had just emerged from a devastating civil war. The wounds were still fresh, distrust among different sections of the country was considerable, and there was an urgent need to rebuild bridges.

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The NYSC was therefore conceived as an instrument of reconciliation, integration and national development.

But more than five decades later, we must ask whether the circumstances that gave birth to the scheme still exist in the same form — and whether the scheme is achieving its original objectives.

Fifty-three years later, what has changed?

The NYSC has undoubtedly produced benefits.

Millions of young Nigerians have lived and worked outside their home states, interacted with people from different ethnic and religious backgrounds and contributed to communities through their primary assignments and community development projects.

For many Nigerians, NYSC remains one of the few institutions where young people from different parts of the country experience Nigeria beyond their immediate environments.

But the challenges have also become enormous.

Over the years, corps members have died in road accidents while travelling to their places of primary assignment or during their service year. More recently, insecurity, terrorism, banditry and kidnapping have introduced an additional and frightening dimension to the risks confronting young Nigerians serving their country.

The latest abduction therefore forces us to ask:

For how long should young graduates be compelled to travel long distances and serve in places where their safety cannot be guaranteed?

And more importantly:

Is the present structure of the NYSC still the best way to promote national unity?

Has the NYSC achieved its central objective?

After more than five decades of the NYSC, Nigeria continues to struggle with ethnic suspicion, regional grievances and demands for greater autonomy or restructuring.

The emergence of groups such as MASSOB and IPOB in the South-East, alongside various self-determination and restructuring movements in other parts of the country, suggests that the challenge of national cohesion has not disappeared.

The South-West, too, has witnessed the emergence of different groups advocating varying forms of restructuring and self-determination.

These developments do not necessarily mean that the NYSC has failed. National integration is far more complicated than a single government programme.

But they should compel policymakers to examine whether the original model remains adequate for today’s Nigeria.

Reform rather than sentiment

The answer may not necessarily be to abolish the NYSC overnight.

There may be a strong case for fundamentally reforming it.

A modern national service programme could place greater emphasis on skills acquisition, technology, entrepreneurship, healthcare, education, disaster response and community development.

The compulsory nationwide posting system could also be reviewed, particularly where security conditions make deployment dangerous.

Nigeria should not continue doing something simply because it has been done for 53 years.

At the same time, we should not discard an institution simply because it has weaknesses. The real question should be: what works, what no longer works, and what should replace it?

Time to rethink government agencies

The NYSC debate should also be part of a broader conversation about the cost and effectiveness of government institutions.

Nigeria has numerous Ministries, Departments and Agencies whose functions sometimes overlap, while some institutions have become largely ineffective.

The Federal Government should therefore revisit recommendations on restructuring and rationalising government agencies, including the Oronsaye reforms.

The objective should not merely be cutting institutions for the sake of cutting them. It should be about creating a leaner, more efficient government that delivers better services to Nigerians.

Who still needs the NYSC?

That is ultimately the question.

The NYSC was born out of the circumstances of post-Civil War Nigeria. Its founders wanted young Nigerians to develop common bonds and a stronger sense of national identity. Those objectives remain desirable.

But the Nigeria of 2026 is not the Nigeria of 1973.

Our security challenges are different. Our population is different. Our economy is different. Our young people face different challenges. Technology has transformed communication and interaction.

The government must therefore have the courage to ask whether the NYSC should continue unchanged, be radically reformed, or eventually replaced with a more effective national service framework.

What we cannot continue to do is expose young Nigerians to avoidable danger simply because a policy was created more than half a century ago.

National unity is important. But so is the safety and dignity of the young Nigerians who are expected to serve the nation.

Bola Bolawole, a former Editor of PUNCH Newspapers, Chairman of its Editorial Board and Deputy Editor-in-Chief, writes columns for Nigerian newspapers.

Source note: The opinion is adapted for Newstrends.ng from Bola Bolawole’s October 7, 2026 article. The NYSC’s official account confirms that the scheme was established by Decree No. 24 of May 22, 1973, principally to promote national unity and common ties among Nigerian youths.

OPINION: Who Still Needs the NYSC? — By Bola Bolawole

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Opinion

Nigeria — My Country of Destiny

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Nigeria — My Country of Destiny
Mrs Bolatito Ajibode

Nigeria — My Country of Destiny

A speech delivered by Mrs Bolatito Ajibode, Convener, Independence Day Fiesta, at Landmark Events Centre, to mark Nigeria’s 66th Independence Anniversary

Nigeria is my country of destiny.

It is not a coincidence that I was born here. God had me in mind when He blessed this land.

It is not a coincidence that this prosperous land is populated by people of different cultures; hence, our tongues and tribes differ. We call it PRODIVA — Prosperity in Our Diversity.

The Lord finished the work of creation and should be praised for loading us with the benefits of arable soil, mineral-rich land, solid minerals, oil and gas, and a market of over 200 million people. Many are yearning for these endowments and have come to our land to explore and exploit them.

Our endowments are beckoning on us for exploration. The few who have taken up the challenge, like Dangote, are smiling to the bank by converting our huge deposits of limestone into cement and refining our crude oil into petroleum products. He has taken Nigeria to the global stage, and we are all proud of him as our brother.

We, however, need more Dangotes.

Last year, we had our maiden edition at Muri Okunola Park, where we challenged ourselves to do more by building a side hustle in addition to our 9-to-5 jobs.

We urged ourselves to:

  1. Start small from where we are and grow.
  2. Explore the vast resources of this country to create wealth.

I am happy to say that we have positive testimonies from those who have started their side hustles, making extra income and contributing to the total income of Nigeria.

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Having laid a solid foundation last year, our goal this year is to cement it and contribute, individually and collectively, to the per capita income of Nigeria.

The desired growth of Nigeria can only come as we add value to the wealth of the nation in our own little corners.

That is the only variable we can control because the other variable — population — is outside our control.

We are typically excited about our young population and proudly rejoice that Nigeria is projected to become one of the five most populous countries in the world by 2050.

The question we need to ask is: How do we house, feed and clothe this growing population?

Certainly, having a young population is good, but it can also become an easy path to poverty and insecurity if we are not deliberate about growing national wealth and baking a bigger national cake.

Yes, our business environment is tough and unstructured. It raises the entry barrier because many are not ready to weather the storm. Those who are able to stay and thrive in this tough business environment have overcome the challenges, and some of them are here with us today.

A deep appreciation to our keynote speaker, Mrs Chinwe Ezenwa, the Managing Director of Lee Look Bags, who has been in the business of Ankara and Aso-Oke fabric bags for four decades. We look forward to drinking from her fountain of knowledge this morning.

Also in our midst is our brother, Mr Ola Awakan, the Director-General of the Nigerian Tourism Development Authority, who has used literature and poetry to deliver compelling indigenous stories from the heart. He has come with his team all the way from Abuja to honour us.

During the panel session today, we will hear the success stories of our panelists and also interact with them during the networking session.

In line with the theme of the year, we would like us to consider:

  • Low-hanging fruits in our business environment;
  • Low-technology business ideas;
  • Businesses that are authentic and unique to us;
  • Commercialising our indigenous values and ideas in food, clothing, arts and drama.

We need to own and dominate this space!

Today, we have in this room great men and women who have taken these indigenous values and ideas to the global stage.

They will share their PRODIVA stories and inspire us.

I believe their insightful stories will also challenge the invited students from Yaba College of Technology, the University of Lagos and Lagos State University.

The idea is to catch them young. 😍

Please note: the Independence Day Fiesta is not about storytelling alone. We are also going to have fun.

We have about four performances, including spoken-word poetry, drama, drumming, music performances and Naija music with good lyrics.

We will also break out for lunch to enjoy various Naija cuisines.

It is my prayer that, at the end of the session, we will all have our takeaways and begin to water the seed of prosperity in our diversity.

Once again, thank you for coming. Please relax and have fun.

Nigeria — My Country of Destiny

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