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INEC Heads to Appeal Court on 9 Grounds – Seeks to Void Judgment Nullifying 2027 Timetable
INEC Heads to Appeal Court on 9 Grounds – Seeks to Void Judgment Nullifying 2027 Timetable
The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has formally petitioned the Abuja Court of Appeal to overturn the verdict that nullified the dates it provided for the 2027 general elections, while also requesting a stay of execution of the judgment pending the resolution of its appeal. In a legal move that has thrown the 2027 election calendar into uncertainty, INEC filed a notice of appeal on May 25, 2026, through its team of attorneys led by Dr. Alex Izinyon, SAN. The commission raised nine grounds of appeal urging the appellate court to consider and vacate the May 20 ruling of the Federal High Court in Abuja. The judgment, delivered by Justice Mohammed Umar, had nullified key aspects of INEC’s timetable, including deadlines for party primaries, submission of candidates’ particulars, withdrawal and substitution of candidates, publication of final candidate lists, and campaign schedules. The lower court held that INEC lacked the statutory power to “fix or prescribe the timeframe within which political parties may conduct their primary elections for the purpose of nominating candidates for the 2027 general elections.”
In its appeal, INEC contended that the high court erred in law by failing to resolve a jurisdictional question it raised before the substantive hearing. The commission argued that the legal action initiated by the Youth Party (YP) against it was not only hypothetical but also academic in nature. INEC maintained that the trial court’s reluctance to make pronouncements on the jurisdictional issues denied the appellant a fair hearing. The commission further argued that the trial court erred in law when it interpreted Sections 29(1), 82, and 84 of the Electoral Act, 2026 in a manner that contradicted the clear wording of the statute.
INEC provided its own interpretation of the relevant sections of the Electoral Act, 2026, arguing that the lower court got it wrong. According to the commission, Section 29(1) of the Electoral Act, 2026 mandates political parties to submit the names of candidates in prescribed forms – of candidates who emerged from their valid primaries – not later than 120 days before the date of the general election. Furthermore, INEC argued that what is actually required of political parties under the Electoral Act, 2026, is to notify the commission 21 days before holding their primaries, congresses, or conventions – whether for the election of executive committees, other governing bodies, or for nominating candidates. “The Defendant is not mandated to impose a timeframe for political parties to conduct their primaries, provided that it will be done and submitted not later than the 120 days provided by the Electoral Act, 2026. See Section 82(1) of the Electoral Act, 2026,” INEC stated in its appeal. The commission insisted that the verdict of the trial court was against the weight of evidence that was placed before it by the parties. Consequently, INEC urged the appellate court to grant the appeal and set aside the judgment in its entirety.
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Beyond the substantive issues, INEC also attacked the legal standing (locus standi) of the Youth Party (YP) to initiate and maintain the action. The commission described the suit as “purely academic” and argued that the YP lacked the requisite legal right to bring the complaint in the first place. INEC urged the Court of Appeal to dismiss YP’s complaint on this ground, arguing that only parties with a direct stake in the electoral process should be allowed to challenge the commission’s constitutionally derived powers to organize and supervise elections.
The Federal High Court’s judgment, which INEC is now appealing, made several key declarations that shook the electoral landscape. The court declared that INEC does not possess the statutory power to publish the final list of candidates for the 2027 general election before the 60-day minimum period prescribed by law. It also ruled that INEC cannot fix campaign activities to end two days before the election, as this is inconsistent with Section 98 of the Electoral Act, 2026. Additionally, the court held that the timeframe prescribed by INEC for submission of membership registers for the conduct of primary elections is not applicable to primary elections conducted for the purpose of replacing withdrawn candidates. The court effectively ruled that INEC had exceeded its statutory mandate by imposing restrictive timelines that abridged periods expressly guaranteed under the Electoral Act, 2026.
As part of its appeal, INEC has also filed a motion for stay of execution of the lower court’s judgment. The commission argues that allowing the judgment to stand while the appeal is pending would disrupt the carefully planned sequence of electoral activities and potentially throw the 2027 general elections into confusion. If granted, the stay of execution would suspend the lower court’s ruling, effectively restoring INEC’s original timetable pending the final determination of the appeal by the Court of Appeal.
The appeal has placed opposition parties in a difficult position. However, the African Democratic Congress (ADC) – which recently admitted it was unprepared for INEC-level logistics in conducting nationwide primaries – says it anticipated the commission’s legal move. Speaking with The Guardian, ADC National Publicity Secretary Bolaji Abdullahi revealed that the party deliberately chose not to act on the lower court’s judgment because they regarded it as a “booby trap”. “We expected it, and that was the reason we did not shift our primaries. We regarded the judgment as a booby trap in the first instance,” Abdullahi said. “However, our disposition to that judgment does not prejudice the fact that INEC is not doing the right thing. We will do everything possible to ensure that Nigerians have a strong alternative government of their choice next year, one that will reshape the country.”
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The Social Democratic Party (SDP) also reacted to INEC’s appeal, with its National Secretary, Olu Agunloye, stating that while the commission has the constitutional right to appeal, “it will meet the whole of Nigeria in court.” Agunloye added that it had become obvious that INEC was “working not for Nigerians, but in the interest of one individual” – an apparent reference to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
However, Rotimi Oyekanmi, the immediate past spokesman of former INEC Chairman, defended the commission’s decision to challenge the judgment. He argued that the ruling questioned INEC’s constitutional powers to organize and supervise elections. “The first function is to organise, undertake and supervise all elections into the offices of President, Vice President, Governor, Deputy Governor, as well as membership of the Senate, House of Representatives and state Houses of Assembly,” Oyekanmi said. He explained that extensive planning and consultations with political parties and stakeholders usually precede the release of any election timetable by the commission. “Therefore, any attempt to compel the commission to alter timelines of activities in the 2027 election timetable should not be taken lightly because of the constitutional and electoral implications involved,” he added.
With INEC’s appeal now pending before the Court of Appeal, the electoral calendar for the 2027 general elections remains uncertain. The commission’s motion for stay of execution, if granted, would suspend the lower court’s ruling while the appeal is being heard. For opposition parties like the ADC, which are already grappling with leadership crises and the logistical nightmare of conducting nationwide primaries, the legal battle adds another layer of uncertainty to an already turbulent political season. Legal analysts suggest that the Court of Appeal may expedite hearing of the matter given the time-sensitive nature of electoral timelines. A quick resolution is expected, as any prolonged uncertainty could disrupt party primaries and other pre-election activities.
INEC Heads to Appeal Court on 9 Grounds – Seeks to Void Judgment Nullifying 2027 Timetable
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Warri-Itakpe Derailment: 4 Dead, 64 Injured – Opeifa Explains What Really Happened
Warri-Itakpe Derailment: 4 Dead, 64 Injured – Opeifa Explains What Really Happened
The Nigerian Railway Corporation has released a preliminary report indicating that a sudden wheel or bogie defect may have caused the June 8 train derailment in Delta State that killed four people and injured 64 others.
NIGERIA – The Nigerian Railway Corporation (NRC) has said that a “possible sudden development of a bogie or wheel defect” may have been the primary factor in the June 8, 2026 derailment of the Warri-Itakpe Train Service in Delta State. The corporation also identified the “possible manner of brake application” as a factor that may have contributed to the severity of the incident. However, the NRC stressed that both remain working hypotheses pending the conclusion of a comprehensive investigation. The NRC disclosed this in its preliminary report on the incident, which occurred at about 4:17 p.m. while the train was approaching the Outer Home signal of the Goodluck Jonathan Railway Station at kilometre 177, Owa-Oyibu, Agbor. “Based on the internal investigation carried out by the NRC inquiry team, preliminary observations indicate the possible sudden development of a bogie/wheel defect while en route. This observation is being investigated further as a potential primary factor in the derailment,” the NRC said in the report signed by its Managing Director, Kayode Opeifa. “A wheel defect of this nature may have generated abnormal wheel-rail interaction, excessive impact loading, and loss of running stability”.
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The train had departed Itakpe at noon with 482 people on board, comprising 442 passengers and 40 operational personnel. Five coaches, one locomotive, and a power car derailed, with three coaches and the power car overturning. The incident resulted in four confirmed deaths – three adults and one child – while 64 people sustained various injuries. Of those injured, 28 were treated and discharged at the Railway Hospital in Owa-Oyibu, while 36 others were taken to general hospitals in Owa-Oyibu, Owa-Alero, and Central Hospital, Agbor. Most of those admitted were discharged within 72 hours, though three people, including an NRC staff member who required surgery, remained under specialist medical care. All passengers were evacuated within two hours of the incident, with emergency response operations involving the Delta State Government, Nigeria Police Force, Federal Road Safety Corps, National Emergency Management Agency, and local authorities.
Importantly, the NRC inquiry team found that the railway points were intact and detected no evidence of track vandalism at the accident location. This distinguishes the June incident from two previous Warri-Itakpe accidents on November 1 and November 8, 2025, which were attributed to track vandalism. The NRC said the Nigerian Safety Investigation Bureau (NSIB) has commenced an independent investigation in line with statutory requirements, with the NRC fully cooperating with the process. The NSIB has recovered critical evidence from the accident scene, including witness statements, operational records, maintenance documentation, and technical data, which are undergoing detailed analysis. “The NSIB final report remains pending,” Opeifa stated.
The corporation said the track has been fully recovered and restored, while the locomotives are undergoing reconditioning. However, resumption of the Warri-Itakpe service would depend on the completion of a detailed track and equipment safety audit. The NRC’s preliminary report also recommended comprehensive inspections and safety audits of rolling stock, tracks, and railway infrastructure; strengthened maintenance and condition-monitoring programmes; updated operational procedures; and stronger enforcement of safety standards.
Warri-Itakpe Derailment: 4 Dead, 64 Injured – Opeifa Explains What Really Happened
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Subsidies or Student Loans? Minister Poses Tough Questions to Critics
Subsidies or Student Loans? Minister Poses Tough Questions to Critics
Information Minister Mohammed Idris cautions that restoring petrol subsidy would undermine fiscal progress, weaken investor confidence, and return Nigeria to the economic crisis of 2022, as the government highlights ₦6.47 trillion in infrastructure spending and over 10 million households reached with social transfers.
ABUJA, Nigeria – The Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, has issued a firm warning against renewed calls to restore the petrol subsidy, declaring that such a move would reverse the economic gains recorded under President Bola Tinubu’s administration and plunge Nigeria back into the fiscal crisis that characterised the old subsidy regime. In an Op-Ed titled “Restoring Fuel Subsidy Will Reverse Nigeria’s Economic Gains,” published on Monday, August 24, 2026, in several national dailies, the minister outlined the fiscal benefits of subsidy removal, the economic risks averted, and the difficult trade-offs that would confront the country should petrol subsidy be reintroduced. According to a statement issued by his Media Aide, Rabiu Ibrahim, in Abuja, Idris argued that proponents of subsidy restoration must confront the real opportunity costs of such a decision, asking whether Nigerians are willing to sacrifice student loans, consumer credit, infrastructure funding, and social protection for the return of a policy that proved economically devastating.
“Restoring subsidy would almost instantly return Nigeria to the economic conditions of 2022, recreating the same fiscal pressures, distortions, scarcity and incentives for arbitrage that made the old system unsustainable,” Idris said. The minister recalled that in 2022, amid declining oil production and weak revenues, Nigeria spent about $10 billion on fuel subsidies, while the World Bank warned that the subsidy was consuming resources that could otherwise have supported education, healthcare, infrastructure and social protection. He noted that the legacy Ways and Means financing, which stood at about ₦30 trillion in May 2023 and has since been curtailed, would have doubled to ₦60 trillion or more without the reforms, while 27 states that were unable to reliably pay salaries would have seen their situations worsen considerably.
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Idris posed a series of pointed questions to those calling for subsidy restoration, challenging them to consider what would be sacrificed. “Do we restore petrol subsidy, or sustain student loans and consumer credit for young Nigerians? Do we restore subsidy, or preserve higher allocations to states and local governments? Do we restore subsidy, or continue funding roads, rail, power and security? Do we restore subsidy, or strengthen the fiscal capacity required to expand healthcare, education and social protection for vulnerable Nigerians?” he asked. The minister emphasised that these are not rhetorical questions but real policy choices that would confront the nation. He noted that the Organised Private Sector and the wider economic community have also cautioned against reversing the reform, recognising that Nigeria cannot build tomorrow’s economy by returning to yesterday’s unsustainable subsidy regime.
Citing the Federal Government’s recently presented “Nigeria’s Reform Scorecard: The Benefits, Costs and Harms Prevented,” Idris noted that the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Dr. Taiwo Oyedele, disclosed that subsidy savings mobilised ₦15.8 trillion in resources for the Federation between June 2023 and December 2025. He explained that approximately ₦5.43 trillion accrued to the Federal Government, ₦6.52 trillion to states, and ₦3.88 trillion to local governments—clarifying that the ₦15.8 trillion was not a separate pool of cash but resources released within the Federation’s wider fiscal system. The minister noted that the increased fiscal space has strengthened the capacity of states and local governments to meet salary and pension obligations while enabling major federal investments in infrastructure, security, agriculture, and human capital. According to Idris, the Reform Scorecard recorded approximately ₦6.47 trillion in additional expenditure on strategic infrastructure, including major national corridors such as the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, Sokoto-Badagry Superhighway, and the Trans-Sahara Superhighway.
Beyond infrastructure, the minister highlighted that more than ₦400 billion has been committed to major social investment initiatives, including the Nigeria Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) with ₦223.8 billion, the MOFI Real Estate Investment Fund (MREIF) with ₦150 billion, and the Nigerian Consumer Credit Corporation (CREDICORP) with ₦50 billion. He added that social transfers have reached more than 10 million Nigerian households, providing critical support to vulnerable families across the country. Idris also pointed to renewed investor confidence, noting that the Nigerian stock market is the world’s best-performing in 2026, external reserves are at their highest level in nearly 20 years, and oil production has exceeded its OPEC quota for the first time in years. These indicators, he said, reflect the positive trajectory of the economy under the current reform agenda.
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The minister further warned that Nigeria is already carrying a substantial electricity subsidy estimated at ₦3.14 trillion between June 2023 and December 2025. This subsidy helps bridge the gap between actual power production costs and the capped tariffs paid by most consumers. According to figures from the Ministry of Finance, electricity subsidy payments rose sharply from N177 billion in 2023 to N1.48 trillion in 2024—an increase of more than 740 percent—before declining marginally to N1.47 trillion in 2025. “Reintroducing a petrol consumption subsidy on top of this would deal a double blow to Nigeria’s fiscal position,” Idris warned, noting that the combined burden would severely constrain the government’s ability to invest in critical sectors and maintain fiscal stability.
The minister also detailed the economic harm that the reforms have helped Nigeria avert. Had the subsidy regime remained unaddressed, he said, petrol scarcity would have returned, pushing prices above ₦3,000 per litre on the black market. The legacy Ways and Means financing, which stood at about ₦30 trillion in May 2023 and has since been curtailed, would have doubled to ₦60 trillion or more. The Scorecard projects that, without the reforms, the inherited situation of 27 states unable to reliably pay salaries would undoubtedly have worsened. Idris noted that the Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprise (CPPE) recently backed the Federal Government’s economic reform programme, saying the measures have produced measurable improvements in Nigeria’s fiscal and macroeconomic position, though it urged a shift from economic stability to productivity, investment, and improved living standards.
The minister acknowledged that Nigerians are facing difficulties arising from the reforms but maintained that reversing course is not the solution. “We are not claiming that the reforms have solved all of Nigeria’s economic challenges; there is indeed still much work to be done to translate improved fiscal capacity into better services, jobs, infrastructure and living standards,” he said. He urged citizens to view the reforms in the context of the country’s long-term economic stability and the need to build a stronger, more productive economy. “Nigeria cannot build tomorrow’s economy by returning to yesterday’s unsustainable subsidy regime. We have moved beyond that model,” Idris concluded.
Subsidies or Student Loans? Minister Poses Tough Questions to Critics
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