Lord, have Messi on Fury and bless Ngannou (1), by Tunde Odesola – Newstrends
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Lord, have Messi on Fury and bless Ngannou (1), by Tunde Odesola

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Tunde Odesola

Lord, have Messi on Fury and bless Ngannou (1), by Tunde Odesola

(Published in The PUNCH, on Friday, November 3, 2023.)

A long time ago in the Land of Àkámárà, Ádámò sat on a mat outside his little hut. Thoughts waded through his mind as he watched the sinking sun sneak home eastward behind the clouds fleeting westward. 

How the cottony clouds could defy gravitational force and hold the almighty sun from falling remained a mystery to Ádámò. 

As he contemplated the awesomeness of God, his eyes became moist. 

Though Ádámò had no formal education, he was steeped enough in African cultural mores to recognise gratitude and praise as wholesome sacrifices acceptable to God. He was worried about the journey at hand. So, he said a prayer, “The Atérere-Kárí-Ayé worldwide God, the Elétí-Gbáròyé hearer of supplications, the Ògbàmùgbámú-Ojú-Òrun-Ò-Sé-Gbámú unconquerable God; you’re the Unimpeachable Proclaimer called Awímáyewùn, I praise and thank you. I beseech you to be with me and my son on our journey tomorrow.”

Early in the morning before the first crow of the cock, Ádámò and his son, Ayésòro, set out on the journey to the Land of Inúnibíni aka Land of Resentment. Ádámò hoisted Ayésòro onto the back of their horse, Esin Dondo. Quickly, he climbed the horse. They had enough hay and water for the horse and food for themselves. 

The neighbourhood was still asleep when the kùkurúku at cockcrow announced the stirring of dawn. Mìlíkì, the village palm wine tapper, was returning from his midnight tapping rounds when he saw father and son on their horse. “Ha, Ádámò! How old are you that you cannot walk beside your horse? Father and son on a miserable horse! Do you want to kill the beast? So, Ádámò disembarked from the horse, leaving his son on it.

As the smile of the sun was becoming bigger, gradually turning into a grin, they got to a river and decided to drink. Father, son and horse drank, rested and resumed their journey. Shortly, the sun was all out grinning and beaming. They neared the junction to the shrine of Ogun, the god of Iron, and they saw the hunchback, Sobolóyoké, who burst out crying: “Ádámò, why are you so foolish? Your young son sits atop the horse, and you, an old man, are walking?” Quickly, Ádámò brought his son down from the horse and he mounted it.

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They continued on their journey and, by midday, they came to a big market. Ìyá Àsàbí, who sells herbs, saw Ádámò on the horse with his son walking beside it. She screamed, “Baba ìkà, wicked father!!! You sat on the horse like the king of bedbugs while your son trekked like a slave!?” Determined to please his critics, Ádámò dismounted from the horse, and both he and his son trekked beside the horse.

They hadn’t trekked for one hour when they saw Ámèbo, the gossip, who first let out a gasp, then clasped her hands on her chest and eyed both sojourners scornfully. Then she burst into sad laughter, “The horse is even wiser than father and son; it is leading the way and swishing its tail to repel flies. Both father and son have ceded leadership to the horse!” Ámèbo tugged at Ádámò’s robe, shooing and saying, “Eskelebe ti o le bebe! Dundee Papa and múngùn pikin.”

Exasperated, Ádámò looked at the sky, seeking a divine answer to why man is unpleasable. A soothing but firm voice said, “Ádámò, no one can please the world. Man is insatiable.” Ádámò nodded…

ME8SSI. In African, Jewish and many other cultures worldwide, the eighth day after childbirth is very significant. It is the day the child is christened. It’s the baby’s first official outing. 

The trajectory of the soccer god, Lionel Andreas Messi, is a semblance of Ádámò’s journey but the footballer’s companions are Barcelona FC and his Argentina national team. Millions of soccer fans worldwide hate Barcelona FC because of the agony Messi put them through when he played for the Spanish soccer team which once played the most beautiful football in the world. Such soccer fans include many of Manchester United who haven’t forgiven Messi for the 3-1 demolition of their team in the Champions League final of the 2010-2011 season, winning UEFA and fans’ Man-of-the-Match awards. 

With their infamous style of parking the bus, Chelsea fans cannot like Barcelona’s penetrative audacity and jaw-dropping football that have earned the Catalan team five Champions League trophies to Chelsea’s two. Locked in a 4-4 head-to-head tie with six draws against Barcelona, Chelsea are, for me, England’s most resilient club, but Barca have an edge over the Pride of London in more goal aggregate. Well, there’s no way Chelsea fans would like Messi’s tenacious creativity and defence-splitting passes. He led the routing of Chelsea in a famous 3-0 mauling at Barcelona in a UEFA Round of 16 match.  

Back at home in Spain, Messi was a key figure in Barcelona’s Golden Age reign, winning 10 Ligas, 7 Copas del Rey, 8 Spanish Cups, four Champions Leagues, 3 European Super Cups, and 3 World Cup Championships. Despite their huge financial spending, which earned their stars the Galacticos nickname, Messi ensured Real Madrid FC was silenced in Spain, spearheading the winning of more el clasicos than Los Blancos. Real Madrid are, however, more successful in Europe.

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The unequal rivalry between former Real Madrid superstar, Christiano Ronaldo and Messi’s Barcelona often ended in near-meltdown for the Portuguese footballer during their time in Spain due to the goal margins of Barcelona’s wins. 

Unlike Ádámò, Messi was unperturbed about the noise of his critics, responding to their criticisms with more sterling performances and achievements. When he wept for losing three Copa America finals, his critics who are essentially Ronaldo, Real Madrid, Man United and Chelsea fans, laughed, saying he can never win a continental trophy for Argentina. Messi remained focused and responded with a Copa America trophy, beating Brazil-led Neymar at the Maracana Stadium on July 11, 2021. 

The cockroach took its three senior advocate sons to the court of chickens, seeking to overturn a guilty verdict. The cockroach and its sons never returned home. “What’s Copa America, is that a cup?” anti-Messi fans cried, agonised that Messi equalled the greatest achievement of their idol, Ronaldo, who had lifted the European Cup in 2016 without playing in the final due to an injury and without being as critical as Messi was for Argentina.

Red-hot Argentina took a 36-match unbeaten run form into the 2022 World Cup in Dubai. So, when the La Albiceleste lost the opening match to Saudi Arabia, 1-2, jubilant mockers glided into Cloud 9, puffing, “It’s not in Messi’s destiny to win the World Cup. He should just retire or die trying.” 

A nervy 2-0 win against Mexico and Poland in the group stage didn’t silence his critics, who scoffed and said, “Australia are giant killers, they will shock Argentina in the Round of 16,” but when Messi led the 2-1 demolition of Australia, his frenemies, now uncomfortable with the prospect of Messi getting into the final, shouted louder than the revolutionary animals in George Orwell’s Animal Farm, “Messi can never win the World Cup!!! Never!!!” – wishing their babel could undo the magical left leg that is worthier than the head, legs and height of their Ororo idol in the Arabian desert.

When Argentina were drawn to face the Oranje of Netherlands in the quarter-final, “Argentina will see òràn! Messi should go and ask what the Yoruba call òràn. May we not see òràn o.” wailers wailed, wishing Messi a waterloo. Argentina played better, succumbing a 2-0 goal lead between the 83rd minute and extra time. Argentina proved superior in the penalty shootout, winning 4-3, to advance into the final against France.

On paper, the French national team aka Les Blues looked more fearsome. The army of anti-Messi wailers was so happy that their much-wanted comeuppance for Argentina had finally arrived. Across the world, they printed jerseys and bought food and drinks, preparatory to an anticipated French victory. On match day, they brought out their grills and barbecued chicken, turkey and beef, eating, lavishing, and gulping water and alcohol. 

Before many of the anti-Messi wailers could finish their first bottles of alcohol, the little magician of Rosario had fired home the first goal. Some anti-Messi fans opened their chicken-stuffed mouths wide in shock, their drinks gradually turning into bile. “This short man again!,” they wondered.

To be continued.

Email: [email protected]; Facebook: @Tunde Odesola; X: Tunde_Odesola.

Lord, have Messi on Fury and bless Ngannou (1), by Tunde Odesola

Opinion

Tinubu’s new tax regime as sovereignty for sale, By Farooq Kperogi

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Farooq Kperogi

Tinubu’s new tax regime as sovereignty for sale, By Farooq Kperogi

For weeks, I deliberately avoided commenting on the sweeping new tax regime the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration plans to roll out next year. It’s not because I did not recognize its gravity, but because I am not an economist and did not want to wade into a technically dense debate armed only with moral outrage.

Silence, in this case, felt like intellectual humility. Two developments, however, forced my hand.

The first was the unexpected melodrama that erupted in northern Nigerian social media circles over the federal government’s choice of influencers to “explain” the new tax policies to Nigerians. When a list circulated showing that most of the recruited social media advocates were from the South, northern influencers cried marginalization.

The grievance was loud enough that government handlers scrambled to recruit northern voices to restore regional balance. That this was the most animated public conversation around a punishing tax regime already tells us something disquieting about our political culture.

The second trigger was a widely shared Instagram video posted on October 18, 2025, by The Rohrs Team, a US-based financial education outfit. The video framed Africa’s current wave of tax reforms as a form of “debt colonialism.”

It argues that international institutions and Western governments have perfected a system in which African states are encouraged to accumulate debt and then trained to squeeze their own poor, struggling populations to service that debt. Watching the video, I found myself simultaneously nodding in recognition and wincing at its exaggerations.

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The video’s core claims are straightforward. It alleges that United Nations-linked initiatives such as Tax Inspectors Without Borders embed Western forensic tax experts in African countries to help governments close tax loopholes, audit businesses, and boost revenue.

It then argues that these efforts are not neutral capacity-building exercises, but part of an expansive IMF and World Bank-driven system designed to ensure that African countries generate enough revenue to repay foreign loans.

According to the video, this system relies on carrot-and-stick tactics: cooperate with external tax advisers and access more loans, resist and face isolation or penalties. The end result, it concludes, is a more efficient and less visible form of colonial extraction.

My check from multiple sources shows that some of this is wrong. Some of it is imprecise. Some of it is uncomfortably true.

It is false that UN or OECD officials directly impose tax laws, prosecute businesses, or collect money on behalf of Western creditors. Tax Inspectors Without Borders does not write tax legislation and does not wield enforcement powers. Those functions remain with national governments.

Claims that Tunisia’s tax-to-GDP ratio increased by over 50 percent because of UN tax collectors are also demonstrably overstated.

But dismissing the entire argument as conspiracy would be intellectually lazy.

What is undeniably true is that Nigeria, like many developing countries, is operating under intense fiscal pressure shaped by external actors. The IMF has for years emphasized “domestic resource mobilization” as a central plank of economic reform.

That’s just a fancy term for raising more taxes. Nigeria’s chronically low tax-to-GDP ratio is routinely cited as a pathology that must be cured. Debt sustainability analyses, credit ratings, access to concessional financing, and investor confidence all hinge on this logic.

In that sense, no one needs to issue direct orders. The structure does the coercion. If this sounds abstract, Kenya offers a concrete, sobering example.

In 2024, the Kenyan government introduced a sweeping finance bill that raised taxes across multiple sectors, including fuel, basic goods, and digital services. The bill was explicitly linked to Kenya’s IMF program and the need to so-called plug fiscal gaps.

The result was one of the most dramatic popular uprisings the country has seen in decades. Protesters poured into the streets, security forces responded brutally, and lives were lost. Faced with mounting unrest, the government withdrew the bill.

The story did not end there. The IMF openly acknowledged that the withdrawal created a financing shortfall. The question immediately became how Kenya would replace the lost revenue, whether through spending cuts, alternative taxes, or future legislation.

In other words, the policy instrument changed, but the fiscal imperative remained intact. That is how structural coercion works. The state may retreat tactically, but the economic logic reasserts itself.

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Nigeria’s impending tax regime fits neatly into this global pattern. The government presents it as modernization, efficiency and fairness. But its timing and content are inseparable from the overarching debt-fueled economic restructuring that has already produced fuel subsidy removal, currency devaluation, and a cost-of-living crisis of historic proportions.

The same external logic that declared petrol subsidies fiscally irresponsible now applauds aggressive tax expansion as prudent governance.

This is where the Instagram video, for all its rhetorical excess, gets something fundamentally right: sovereignty, as currently practiced, is largely a scam.

Nigeria may have a flag, an anthem and an elected government, but its macroeconomic choices are tightly circumscribed by external expectations. The petrol price regime that has tripled transportation and food costs did not emerge from a grassroots Nigerian consensus. It was the predictable outcome of long-standing IMF orthodoxy about subsidies.

The new tax regime, coming on the heels of that shock, follows the same script. Nigerians are being asked to pay more, endure more and sacrifice more in the name of fiscal responsibility defined elsewhere.

The economic consequences are not difficult to anticipate. Higher consumption taxes and compliance costs in an economy already hollowed out by inflation will depress demand, push more businesses into informality and further erode purchasing power.

Small traders, transport workers and salaried employees will feel the squeeze long before multinational corporations do. In a country where real wages have collapsed and unemployment remains structurally high, this is punishment.

And yet, there is an irony here worth lingering on. For the first time in decades, a significant number of Nigerians may begin to feel, viscerally, that the state is funded by their money. Oil rents long insulated the Nigerian government from its citizens. Taxes were an afterthought, easily evaded and politically inconsequential.

A regime that aggressively extracts revenue from ordinary people risks provoking resentment, but it also risks awakening accountability.

When people know that their tax naira pays for governance, the psychological contract changes. Suddenly, waste is personal. Corruption is theft from one’s pocket. Incompetence becomes intolerable.

The old revolutionary slogan “taxation without representation” was not just about money. It was about dignity and political agency. It was about the right to demand explanations from those who govern.

Nigeria’s new tax regime, harsh as it is, might inadvertently inaugurate a new era of critical democratic citizenship. Citizens who feel economically assaulted may also feel politically entitled. They may begin to ask harder questions, organize more assertively and reject the culture of elite impunity that oil wealth sustained for so long.

This brings me back to the farce of social media influencers scrambling for government patronage.

There is something profoundly grotesque about watching influencers fight over who gets to propagandize for a policy that will make life harder for most Nigerians. It is even more grotesque when this scramble is framed as a regional inclusion debate rather than a substantive policy argument.

The Tinubu administration recruits influencers not to so much to educate citizens as to anesthetize them. Explanation, in this context, is a euphemism for persuasion, and persuasion shades quickly into rhetorical intimidation.

I fully expect that the newly hired influencer battalions will soon swing into action, defending the indefensible, smearing critics, and blurring the line between advocacy and libel.

If recent experience is any guide, I may well become one of their earliest practice targets for having the audacity to point out that a tax regime can be both externally inspired and domestically harmful. Well, I am already used to that.

Nigeria deserves a conversation that goes beyond technocratic jargon and influencer theatrics. It deserves an honest reckoning with the reality that its economic sovereignty is constrained, its people are bearing disproportionate costs and its leaders are more accountable to international creditors than to the citizens they tax.

If this new tax regime teaches Nigerians anything, I hope it is that when the state reaches deep into your pocket, you earn the moral right to reach just as deeply into its conscience.

 

Tinubu’s new tax regime as sovereignty for sale, By Farooq Kperogi

 

Kperogi is a renowned columnist and United States-based Professor of Journalism.

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Opinion

Disaster Looms: Otedola Bridge Must Be Demolished and Rebuilt Immediately — Expert

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Otedola Bridge

Disaster Looms: Otedola Bridge Must Be Demolished and Rebuilt Immediately — Expert

A project management expert and scholar, Dr. ‘Jubreel Odukoya, has urged the Lagos State Government to take immediate action to demolish and reconstruct the Otedola Bridge, warning that it is “a structural death trap” and “a man-made disaster zone” that continues to claim innocent lives.

Dr. Odukoya, a Nigerian-born construction performance researcher trained in Malaysia, condemned the government’s inaction over the recurring tragedies on the bridge, stressing that no amount of condolence messages can replace urgent technical and ethical intervention.

“The Otedola Bridge is badly designed and poorly constructed. It fails all known standards of performance, safety, and engineering ethics. The time has come for the government to stop patching and start acting. The bridge must be completely demolished and rebuilt to meet global standards of road safety and structural integrity,” he advised.

Located along the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway at the boundary between Lagos and Ogun States, the Otedola Bridge has a notorious history of accidents, tanker explosions, and mass fatalities. In June 2018, a fuel tanker explosion destroyed more than fifty vehicles, claiming numerous lives. In March 2024, a newlywed couple — Chiedozie Okoye of Zenith Bank and his America-based nurse wife, Joan Chidalu — died in another crash at the same location.

Dr. Odukoya explained that these recurring disasters are not coincidental but symptomatic of structural negligence, flawed design geometry, and inadequate traffic engineering.

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“The tragedies on Otedola Bridge are predictable outcomes of engineering failure. Sharp slopes, poor drainage, absence of crash barriers, and unclear lane demarcation make it extremely difficult for heavy-duty vehicles to navigate safely. When combined with weak supervision, poor materials, and disregard for ethical project practices, disaster becomes inevitable.”

Drawing on over 33 years of experience in project management, construction oversight, and quality control, including his tenure as Director of Projects Development at Kercon Construction Limited, Lagos, Dr. Odukoya stressed that government responses must go beyond temporary repairs and ceremonial site visits.

“In Malaysia, a bridge with repeated failures would never remain open to the public. It would be closed, reassessed, and reconstructed according to stringent design and soil stability protocols,” he said.

Dr. Odukoya, a member of the Malaysian Institute of Management (MIM) and the Malaysian Institute of Corporate Governance (MICG), called for the urgent establishment of a Technical Audit and Reconstruction Task Force to assess Otedola Bridge and other hazardous road infrastructures across Lagos State.

“Until we subject these critical infrastructures to independent performance audits, the bloodletting will continue. Lagos cannot keep burying citizens because of man-made negligence. The government must act. Otedola Bridge must be demolished and rebuilt now.”

He appealed to Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu’s administration to demonstrate leadership by adopting international engineering safety standards and engaging certified professionals to redesign the bridge into a model of sustainable urban infrastructure.

“This is not about blame; it is about saving lives. Lagosians deserve roads that are safe, reliable, and built to last,” Dr. Odukoya concluded.

Disaster Looms: Otedola Bridge Must Be Demolished and Rebuilt Immediately — Expert

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Opinion

A troubling message from Guinea-Bissau, by Azu Ishiekwene

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Azubuike Ishiekwene

A troubling message from Guinea-Bissau, by Azu Ishiekwene

A troubling message from Guinea-Bissau, by Azu Ishiekwene

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