Opinion
Shameful letter on Tinubu’s slavish Assembly
Shameful letter on Tinubu’s slavish Assembly
Tunde Odesola
(Published in The PUNCH, on Friday, March 7, 2025)
Dear Uncle Ahmed,
Kowtowing is when a kowtower bows before wealth, power and influence. But, Your Excellency, when I refer to you as ‘Uncle Ahmed’, I’m not on a bootlicking mission. I call you ‘Uncle’ because we were neighbours in the same hood, where you and I tenanted in the early 1990s. That was when you were a nobody in Nigeria’s political space. That was when you rented a three-bedroomed flat at No 18, Coker Street, in the Orile Agege community of Lagos State. That was when you were unsure of the future politics held for you. Uncle Ahmed, if I were writing this letter in Yoruba, it wouldn’t be out of place to call you Bòdá Àdúgbò or Ègbón Àdúgbò aka Area Bro.
Ègbón Ahmed, 72 is your official age. I believe that because I know you don’t lie. But, I call you Bòdá Adugbo because of the age difference between us; I, having been born in the second half of the 1960s. My parents raised me to respect responsible elders.
Your Excellency, I put pen to paper because of the recent chain of events at your Lagos State House of Assembly. Ègbón Bola, the way you administer the City of Aquatic Splendor appears like Lagos was bequeathed to you at birth. But you know it wasn’t. In metaphoric Yoruba, you arrived in Lagos with blood in your eyes, hunting for success. Your toiling met with preparedness, and boom, you became senator, governor…, and then went imperial.
Yes, you can say you fought many nasty wars, such is the way of Nigerian politics; it’s dog eat dog. Ègbón, post-war trauma shouldn’t make you hallucinate and take up the role of God.
Uncle Bola, as your former neighbour and fellow tenant, I think it’s right to let you know how Nigerians are looking in your direction over the reign of terror being unleashed at your junkyard, the Lagos State House of Assembly. Nigerians are looking in your direction because they know you’re the National Leader of the ruling All Progressives Congress and also the State Leader of the party in Lagos. Lagosians know that as the national and state leader of the APC, the recent removal and reinstatement of Lagos Speakers, like women wear and remove menstrual pads, cannot happen without your knowledge and approval.
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I call the LSHA your junkyard because you watch without guilty conscience, since more than 20 years ago, how each legislative tenure sings the anthem, “On Your Mandate We Shall Stand,” instead of singing the national anthem, while you smile like Idi Amin, with your hand on your small chest.
Your Excellency, many Nigerians believe you’re not a good leader. But I believe you rank higher than the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo. They believe you’re the wicked person who straps his baby to the back when going to the bathroom. But I do not believe so. The Yoruba capture such a wicked person in these words, “Ìkà ènìyàn tó ń pon omo re ilé ìwè.”
In their wisdom, the Yoruba believe it’s only a wicked person who straps their child to the back while going to the bathroom because no neighbour is prepared to look after the baby while the wicked person bathes.
Asiwaju, I know you’re not wicked. I know you’re not the one strapping Mudasiru Obasa to your back. Obasa only possesses an irresistible charm that hypnotises his fellow lawmakers to accept him as their Speaker by fire, force and thunder.
Ègbón Àdúgbò, I need to tell you that as a result of the madness going on in the Lagos Assembly, a lot of Lagosians are waiting for you at the next elections, vowing to disgrace you yet again like they resoundingly demystified you in the 2023 presidential election. They say that in 2027, you and your undemocratic party would be roundly defeated in Lagos again.
Also, they allege that plans were underway by your party, in collusion with the Independent National Electoral Commission, to subvert the Bimodal Accreditation System (BIVAS) and the INEC Result Viewing (I-REV) portal, rendering the two technologies useless in Igbo-dominated areas of Lagos in 2027, but I said, “Ah, rara o; Uncle Bola doesn’t rig o;” he’s a democrat.
Tongues are wagging over the brigandage that occurred when your boy, Obasa, forcefully took control of the House and sat with just four lawmakers while the then-substantive Speaker, Mojisola Meranda, had 35 lawmakers solidly behind her. Ègbón Tinubu, isn’t it a shame that all these tyrannical events are happening under your leadership? Baba Folasade, wasn’t it your defiance against military dictatorship that endeared you to the hearts of Lagosians? Generals Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha unbared their fangs, fired their bullets and cracked heads with their boots. But you, Emeritus Governor, with your smile and agbada, you bury your fangs and talons in the jugular of the Lagos House of Assembly. You’re worse than Babangida and Abacha combined!
By the way, Your Excellency, permit me to humbly ask if you know the meaning of ‘Emeritus’? All of your lackeys in Lagos call you ‘Emeritus Governor’. Do you all know that emeritus means retired? If you’re truly a retired governor, why don’t you hands off Lagos and face the bigger task of governing Nigeria?
You call yourself a democrat, yet you allow them to sing that stupid and idiotic song, “On Your Mandate We Shall Stand’? So, Bobo Chicago’s mandate is more powerful than the mandate the 20 million Lagos population gave to the lawmakers? I know you schooled in America, though you presented a controversial university certificate, but is this the type of democracy practised in America? Where’s honour in your politics, bòdá?
Ègbón Alameda, I’m utterly sorry I didn’t greet you when I started my letter. The uproar generated by the show of shame ongoing at the Lagos State Assembly is enough to make an omolúàbí disrespect elders, who stand by and watch while the head of the baby at the mother’s back tilts dangerously in the market square.
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E kú three days, sir. How’s the family? How’s aunty Remi, your jewel of inestimable value, co-investor and co-beneficiary in Nigeria’s political vineyard? How’re the children of your proletariat beginnings, Folasade and Seyi? And the children of your bourgeoisie years, Zainab, Habibat and Olayinka?
It’s delightsome to see that despite her young age, Folasade is the godmother of nonagenarian, octogenarian, septuagenarian and younger marketwomen and men in the whole of Nigeria while your son, Seyi, aka Ola Daddy, is the godfather of Nigeria’s Young Urban Professionals, otherwise known as Yuppies. As for you, the Owner of Lagos, it’s written in the sky, ‘BAT is the god of all godfathers and the king of all kingmakers’. Asiwaju, I twale 100%!! It’s not easy to put Nigeria in your pocket: e kú isé takun takun.
Bobo Chicago, some plain stupid people describe your fixing family members in positions of power and privilege as passing gluttony down the family line, but I call it fatherly love. I remind such people that many of the children of Nigeria’s monied men of yesteryears are tearing at one another’s throats today over inheritance. The children of the late MKO Abiola and those of the late Chief Rotimi Williams (SAN) are yet at daggers drawn.
The Lion of Bourdillon, when you eventually go to the place where the elderly go, Folasade and her siblings won’t need to fight over inheritance because you’ve placed in their hands golden spoons, long and costly enough to eat at billionaires’ tables anywhere in the world.
As for Aunty Remi, she won’t have any financial worries because she should rank high on the list of Nigeria’s wealthiest women – being the wife of BAT and having worked in the Nigerian Senate aka the nation’s second largest Mint, where President Godswill Akpabio, the alleged serial sexual harasser, is currently battling allegations of sexual harassment and abuse of office by Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan of Kogi State.
Ègbón, Nigeria has had eight Senate Presidents since 1999 – Evan Enwerem, Chuba Okadigbo, Pius Ayim, Adolphus Wabara; Ken Nnamani, David Mark, Bukola Saraki and Ahmed Lawan. None of them was slapped for alleged sexual assault. None of them resembled ‘Dauda de Sexy Guy’ in looks and actions.
By the way, Asiwaju, I know you would be curious to know what the first largest Mint company is in Nigeria. It’s the Presidency, sir. Followed by the Senate. The third is the House of Reps, followed by the Nigerian Security Printing and Minting Company Limited.
Ègbón mí, let me whisper to you some tete-a-tete truths like sincere siblings do. Please, move closer, sir. Please, don’t you ever contemplate writing your autobiography like General Killer, who lives on a hilltop, did o. Baba Sade, if you do so pénrén, you will receive from Nigerians the type of verbal bashing which deafened the ears of the squirrel. Ha! Writing an autobiography would open the old-wound questions of your age, school, birthplace, parentage, wealth and more.
Bòdá Bola, you don’t need all that trouble. After serving Nigeria with all your heart, you just go home and rest. May Allah protect your investments.
Thanks for being the one and only BAT.
Your former neighbour,
Baba-T.
———/////———/////————
Email: tundeodes2003@yahoo.com
Facebook: @Tunde Odesola
X: @Tunde_Odesola
Shameful letter on Tinubu’s slavish Assembly
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Opinion
2027: Tinubu May Get Less Than 10% of Northern Votes — Ard
2027: Tinubu May Get Less Than 10% of Northern Votes — Ard
President Bola Tinubu could suffer a dramatic collapse in his Northern support in the 2027 presidential election, securing less than 10 per cent of votes from the region if the poll is free and credible, Convener of the League of Northern Democrats and key promoter of the All-Democratic Alliance (ADA), Dr Umar Ardo, has predicted.
Ardo made the prediction on Monday in an interview on Frontline, a current affairs programme on Eagle 102.5 FM, Ilese-Ijebu, Ogun State, arguing that the outcome would largely reflect how Northern voters assess the Tinubu administration’s performance.
He identified insecurity, worsening poverty, economic hardship and the rising cost of living as major issues likely to influence voting decisions in the region.
According to him, the persistent insecurity affecting communities, farmers, traders and businesses remains one of the administration’s biggest challenges.
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“You can solve the issue of insecurity and insurgency in one year,” he said, insisting that the Federal Government could significantly reduce the crisis with the right strategy and sufficient political will.
Ardo also faulted the administration’s economic reforms, particularly the removal of fuel subsidy, questioning whether ordinary Nigerians had experienced corresponding benefits.
“Subsidy removal, is it a benefit?” he asked, arguing that the reforms had eroded purchasing power and made basic necessities increasingly unaffordable.
He said the impact had been particularly severe in Northern Nigeria, where a large proportion of the population is economically vulnerable.
“The economic reform has pushed from the state of poverty to destitution,” he said.
The political commentator also raised concerns about political representation under the Tinubu administration, arguing that the composition of government could shape public perception of its commitment to different regions.
Ardo said Northern voters should not be assumed to be permanently aligned with the voting pattern recorded in 2023, stressing that prevailing economic and security conditions would determine their choices in 2027.
“If a free, fair and credible election is conducted in Nigeria, Tinubu can’t get 10 percent of the Northern part,” he declared.
His prediction puts the spotlight on the opposition’s capacity to exploit any erosion of Tinubu’s Northern support, with former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and other opposition figures potentially positioned to benefit from any major electoral realignment.
2027: Tinubu May Get Less Than 10% of Northern Votes — Ard
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Opinion
Beyond the Ballot: Shaping a Bar That Works for All
Beyond the Ballot: Shaping a Bar That Works for All
By Asiwaju Kunle Kalejaye, SAN
The inaugural address of Mrs. Oyinkansola Badejo-Okusanya, SAN, titled “From the Call to the Cause,” marks a historic turning point for the legal community as she officially assumes office as the 33rd President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) as she wa sworn in by her predecessor, Afam Osigwe, SAN, at the High Court complex in Port Harcourt, Rivers State.
Her leadership, the hiccup of her emergence notwithstanding, represents a historic milestone as the first woman elected to the NBA presidency through a competitive, though highly disputed, national ballot. Her address presents a powerful vision for a “bolder Bar” that actively confronts internal fractures, deep professional disconnects, and economic vulnerabilities. Central to her message is the core understanding that an association tasked with safeguarding judicial independence and speaking truth to power cannot effectively fulfill its national mandate if it remains internally fragmented. By focusing on the professional survival of young lawyers and vowing to act decisively against public misconduct, Badejo-Okusanya highlights an urgent reality: institutional strength requires collective solidarity and institutional determination. Fostering lasting unity within the NBA under this administration demands a deliberate shift from performative governance to deeply institutionalized, structural changes that build bridges across classes, factions, generations, and geographical divides.
To bring the NBA together, the new administration must incorporate proactive mechanisms for post-election reconciliation directly into its governance framework. The leadership must deliberately distance itself from divisive rhetoric and provocative nuances. The competitive nature of Bar elections often leaves behind lingering bitter factions that can stunt long-term cooperation and slow down progressive policies. By building an “olive branch” initiative that integrates runner-up contestants and their core campaign stakeholders into strategic national committees, the leadership can transform former rivals into active co-creators of the Bar’s future. Indeed this strategy which I dubbed the Abraham Lincoln strategy remains an eternal clincher.
Abraham Lincoln won the 1860 presidential election and famously appointed his chief Republican nomination rivals to key cabinet positions. Lincoln believed the country faced extreme peril during the crisis leading into the Civil War l. He wanted the most capable and influential leaders in his administration regardless of past personal competition. He valued robust debate over agreement, using differing viewpoints to make better decisions. This inclusivity must simultaneously bridge the widening economic and generational gap between senior practitioners and younger advocates. Enforcing standardized minimum remuneration and welfare requirements across all local branches will help reduce the economic alienation felt by younger members. To make this sustainable, the administration should establish joint mentorship hubs where senior legal practitioners collaborate with tech-savvy young lawyers on modern areas of practice, such as artificial intelligence, data privacy, and digital commerce, turning a generational divide into a symbiotic avenue for mutual professional empowerment.
True unity also requires restoring civil digital discourse through a comprehensive Digital Ethics Enforcement framework, fulfilling the President’s explicit warning against the breakdown of professional etiquette on social media. The profession has lost some vast mileage due to the digital posture of some members. To achieve this, the NBA can look to established global precedents where foreign bar associations have successfully navigated the complexities of digital misconduct. For instance, the American Bar Association (ABA) successfully integrated technological expectations into its framework via the Ethics 20/20 Commission, explicitly modifying its Model Rules of Professional Conduct such as Rules 1.6 and 8.4 to govern online confidentiality, misleading public statements, and deceptive digital behaviour. Similarly, the Law Society of England and Wales updated its practice note and compliance frameworks to penalize offensive online remarks, reinforcing that comments made by a lawyer in a personal capacity can still be actively disciplined as professional misconduct if public trust is damaged. By adopting a similar structure, the NBA can expand its own Rules of Professional Conduct into a clear code for online behaviour, utilizing its network of regional Ethics and Disciplinary Committees to monitor digital spaces and safely review flagged misconduct via secure portals.
Backing this framework with public disciplinary actions and a tiered system of sanctions will allow the NBA to decisively penalize cyberbullying, transitioning professional disputes into mediated internal forums rather than chaotic public platforms. This digital accountability should be reinforced by introducing mandatory continuing legal education (CLE) modules in digital etiquette, ensuring that practitioners maintain technological and behavioral competence.
Immediately, the NBA must dismantle the persistent perception that it is a “Lagos-Abuja centric” organization. Actively decentralizing national activities, rotating National Executive Council (NEC) meetings across various geopolitical zones, and providing direct financial and technical resources to smaller, rural branches will make every lawyer feel valued regardless of geography. Ultimately, by integrating these targeted, practical strategies and internationally proven ethical standards into the foundational ideals of her inaugural address, the administration can successfully unite its members and establish a cohesive, resilient front capable of defending the rule of law across Nigeria.
The new administration must pursue a deliberate policy towards attracting many docile members back into its fold.
If the new administration must know, the opaque electoral processes that had dogged the association in recent history has adversely affected the morale of a significant number but silent members of the Association. Chief Yomi Alliyu graphically stated the disturbing position when he posited in an opinion piece that: “The NBA has been hijacked by political lawyers to the disaffection of real practitioners of law. “Elections from 2016 or so vide e-voting had been manipulated to favour members of this class.”
The new administration must therefore consciously pursue reconciliatory steps that rein in all members. As at now, the silent class war must end for NBA to achieve its full potential.
I was sorely tempted to headline this peice: Nigerian Bar Association: the road to Kigali. I refrained because I still saw a silver lining which this new administration can latch on to save the NBA from itself!
The “road to Kigali” serves as a grim warning about the risk of total institutional fracture, polarization, and potential irrelevance. If proactive steps are not taken to unify and reform the body, it faces the danger of fracturing into competing, ethnicized, or regionalized professional factions, effectively ending the era of a single, unified voice for the Nigerian Bar.
The 1992 Port Harcourt Conference Crisis, was a definitive moment that brought the NBA to the brink of permanent destruction. Today, unless we play the ostrich, the cries of war are abroad but the present leadership could etch their names in gold if the NBA is consciously, deliberately and clinically steered from self implosion. Their job is cut out for them.Failure to seize the moment may end up placing us all on the road to Kigali.

Asiwaju Kunle Kalejaye SAN
Eagle102.5 FM Ilese-Ijebu
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Opinion
Why Atiku’s subsidy gambit rattles Tinubu, By Farooq Kperogi
Why Atiku’s subsidy gambit rattles Tinubu, By Farooq Kperogi
On Thursday, barely a day after official campaigns began for the 2027 presidential election, Atiku pledged to restore petrol subsidies if Nigerians elect him president. That pledge, more than anything he has done lately to dislodge Tinubu, is the clearest signal yet that he is prepared to wrest power from the president.
Before now, Atiku expended money, time and energy excavating Tinubu’s past, much of which Nigerians already know. Tinubu’s 1993 civil forfeiture of $460,000 to the US government in a case that grew out of a heroin-trafficking investigation has been public knowledge for years. It was Sahara Reporters that first reported it on September 15, 2008. Fresh FBI or DEA papers are unlikely to suddenly alter electoral attitudes.
The Chicago State University expedition was even less politically useful. Tinubu genuinely attended and graduated from CSU in 1979. Caleb Westberg, the university’s registrar, said so under oath. He agreed that the photocopy Tinubu submitted to INEC did not look like the 1979 samples shown to him, but CSU’s diploma templates changed over the years and the BBC found that Tinubu’s copy resembled replacement diplomas from the 1990s. Westberg also said the missing portion of the university logo could have been cut off during photocopying because American diplomas are unusually large and aren’t intended to be photocopied.
In America, diplomas are largely ceremonial documents that people frame and hang on walls. Transcripts are the official records routinely used to verify attendance and graduation. Atiku’s legal expedition ironically helped establish that Tinubu has a CSU transcript and graduated with honors.
The BBC Global Disinformation Team found no evidence for the claim that Tinubu forged the CSU diploma he submitted to INEC. The report, in fact, won “Fact-Check of the Year by a Working Journalist” at the 2024 African Fact-Checking Awards in Accra. In other words, Atiku spent enormous political energy helping to settle a question whose answer was electorally barren.
Tinubu understood this and mostly ignored the attacks. More importantly, Atiku offered little policy distance from Tinubu on the economic question that has tormented Nigerians since May 2023. He had promised during the last election to remove petrol subsidies within his first 100 days in office. On the most consequential economic policy of the Tinubu presidency, Atiku was traveling on the same ideological road.
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That changed this week. Atiku asked the question millions of Nigerians have been asking: where is the money supposedly saved from subsidy removal? He then promised a new subsidy structure that would privilege locally refined petrol, give qualifying Nigerian refineries crude at preferential prices, impose a fixed annual spending ceiling, trace subsidized crude to actual domestic production and punish diversion. His formulation is that “the subsidy will follow the barrel.”
That is a more serious proposal than the Presidency’s caricature of it. And Tinubu suddenly found his voice. He personally dismissed Atiku’s pledge as a demonstration of “serious ignorance” of governance and the economy. Atiku’s previous assaults on Tinubu’s character produced studied presidential indifference. But his challenge to the economic orthodoxy that has pauperized Nigerians produced presidential irritation. That means he struck a raw nerve.
If Atiku’s proposal demonstrates ignorance, what does Tinubu’s policy demonstrate? Any honest person knows the answer: cruelty. Between ignorance and cruelty, which is more benign? You be the judge.
The anti-subsidy theology that Tinubu and his neoliberal choristers recite has always rested on a false premise. Subsidy simply means government assistance. Every functional society subsidizes something its people need for survival and economic productivity. Governments subsidize food, agriculture, housing, healthcare, transportation or energy according to the peculiarities of their societies.
For Nigeria, petrol occupies a uniquely central place because it doubles as an infrastructural substitute. People buy petrol because public electricity is unreliable. Small businesses generate their own power. Goods move mostly by road. Workers commute in vehicles powered by fuel. Farmers, artisans, traders and manufacturers absorb fuel costs and pass them on through prices.
A petrol subsidy therefore travels through the economy. Its removal travels through the economy too, only in the opposite direction. It raises transportation costs, production costs, food prices and the cost of nearly everything that depends on movement or power.
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I warned about this exactly one month before Tinubu was inaugurated. In my April 29, 2023 column titled “Six Agenda Items for Tinubu’s Success,” I warned that any policy that caused an arbitrary and unbearable increase in petrol prices without a corresponding improvement in incomes and living conditions would sink Tinubu. That warning was elementary commonsense.
The subsidy removal has since wreaked havoc on the economy, deepened poverty, killed businesses, murdered hope, hollowed out the middle class and democratized misery. Reuters now describes the aftermath of Tinubu’s reforms as the worst cost-of-living crisis in a generation. Nearly 80 percent of Nigerians in a recent voter tracker said the country was headed in the wrong direction.
The government’s answer is always the same sterile, tired, intentionally dishonest incantation: temporary pains will yield permanent gains. But we have heard that sermon before.
Ibrahim Babangida’s Structural Adjustment Program came with the same vocabulary of sacrifice, deregulation, currency devaluation, subsidy withdrawal and deferred prosperity. Nigerians were told to endure pain today for abundance tomorrow. By the time Babangida left in 1993, manufacturing had been battered, purchasing power had collapsed and social misery had spread. The promised gains vanished into the ether.
Only living people can enjoy future gains. A government that starves people in installments cannot redeem itself with a hypothetical prosperity scheduled for an undefined tomorrow.
Tinubu’s most frequently advertised dividend of subsidy removal is that states now receive more money and can pay salaries and pensions. That is useful to salary earners, pensioners and the relatives who depend on them. Every Nigerian with a functioning brain cell knows that formal salary and pension earners constitute only a small fraction of Nigeria’s population. The wellbeing of state treasuries is a poor substitute for the wellbeing of the vast majority of citizens.
What kind of economic triumph makes governors more solvent while making citizens poorer? Government has improved the liquidity of public treasuries by draining the liquidity of household economies.
Atiku has finally opened a policy flank that Tinubu cannot wave away with moral insults, ethnic mobilization or tales of macroeconomic “reform.”
Nonetheless, Atiku’s conversion deserves scrutiny. He promised in 2023 to remove the same subsidy he now wants to restore in a redesigned form. I disagreed with him then. A politician who changes his mind after observing the destructive consequences of a policy can reasonably plead that evidence changed his assumptions. Nigerians also have abundant reasons to distrust politicians who discover compassion during campaigns.
They campaign in poetry and govern in prose. Tinubu, after all, told Nigerians during the 2023 campaign that if he failed to give them electricity and returned for a second term, they should not vote for him, although he inserted an escape clause about giving “adequate reasons” for failure. Muhammadu Buhari promised a paradise of security, prosperity and integrity before power exposed the hollowness of his promises.
Atiku therefore has work to do. He must keep explaining the cost of his subsidy plan, its funding source, its legal path under the Petroleum Industry Act, its anti-corruption safeguards and the mechanisms that will ensure cheaper energy reaches households and industries. He should put these commitments in language that can be measured and used against him if he wins.
In spite of my well-justified distrust of the promises of politicians, including Atiku who supervised a ruinous privation program when he was vice president, I can’t help but concede that this is the first truly useful political argument of the 2027 campaign.
Policy contrast is finally replacing pointless and unproductive character assassination. Nigerians already know that Tinubu has a morally complicated past, but they live every day with something more immediate: the extortionate price of food, transport, electricity, medicine and survival.
Atiku has finally moved the contest from Tinubu’s old files in America to Nigerian kitchens, markets, factories and motor parks. That is where Tinubu is most vulnerable. Tinubu can survive old scandals, but the mass hunger his “reforms” have created is a more formidable opponent than impotent darts thrown at his character.
Kperogi is a renowned columnist and United States-based professor of journalism.
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