Coup Plot: How conspirators planned to cut power to Aso Rock – Witness tells court

ABUJA — Zekeri Umoru, one of the suspected coup plotters, on Wednesday told a Federal High Court in Abuja that discussions were held on switching off electricity supply to the Presidential Villa, Abuja, to aid the alleged coup against President Bola Tinubu’s administration.

Umoru, a Julius Berger Nigeria Plc employee in the Maintenance Department at the Presidential Villa, spoke in video evidence played before Justice Joyce Abdulmalik of the Federal High Court in Abuja. He said he warned that such an action would immediately trigger investigations and the detention of workers on duty if carried out. The 4th defendant stated this in the video while being questioned by members of the Special Investigative Panel (SIP) that first investigated the case.

Umoru alleged that Colonel Mohammed Ma’aji, the alleged coup mastermind who is currently at large, offered him money through Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim (the 3rd defendant) to recruit between 18 and 19 persons working inside the Villa. Those to be recruited included soldiers, officials of the Department of State Services (DSS) , and fellow Julius Berger staff. He also told investigators that Ma’aji allegedly said he wanted access into the Presidential Villa and could achieve it “with force,” even if those recruited from inside declined to cooperate.

Umoru further claimed that Inspector Ibrahim later demanded N100 million from Ma’aji to facilitate the operation through an ambulance route into the Villa. However, Ma’aji refused on the grounds that the amount was excessive. He said Ma’aji insisted that he could still gain access into the Presidential Villa by force, though “there would be bloodshed.” Umoru said at one point he became uncomfortable with the alleged plan and repeatedly attempted to return the money given to him, adding that he felt accessing the Presidential Villa “was not a child’s play.”

He denied ever having access to the Villa’s solar power plant, despite allegations that he planned to sabotage electricity supply within the complex. On why he failed to immediately report the alleged discussions to authorities, Umoru claimed he was discouraged by Ibrahim, who allegedly asked him to delete messages and avoid contacting Ma’aji due to an ongoing audit in their office.

READ ALSO:

• Otedola Dumps Geregu Stake, Invests $100 Million In Dangote Refinery
• ‘Bad Loser’: APC Chieftain Knocks Desmond Elliot Over Surulere Primary Withdrawal
• Rivers 2027: Fubara Withdraws From APC Guber Race

The alleged coup plot, which was uncovered in September 2025, involved far more elaborate planning than previously reported. A prosecution witness, an army officer from the Nigerian Army Corps of Military Police who was codenamed “AAA” for security reasons, testified before the same court on April 29 about the full scope of the alleged conspiracy. The witness told the court that intelligence reports linked Colonel Ma’aji to an alleged conspiracy involving serving and retired military officers, as well as former Bayelsa State governor and ex-Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Timipre Sylva. He said the intelligence was assessed, found credible, and formed the basis for the investigation.

According to the witness, when Ma’aji was arrested, a Samsung Galaxy Z series phone was recovered from him. A search of his residence also yielded a jotter containing “operational plans, names and designation of ranking members of the current regime as well as officers that were to assassinate them.” The jotter also allegedly contained “political and structural changes to be made upon execution of the coup.” The witness further testified that meetings were held at Green Land Apartment and Brookville Hotel in Abuja, where participants discussed regime change, identified government officials to be assassinated, and assigned officers to carry out the plan. Hotel receipts and reservation records were recovered as evidence.

The prosecution witness also detailed substantial financial transactions linked to the alleged coup plot. Forensic analysis revealed that Purple Waves Limited was used as a conduit to sponsor the alleged coup. Bank statements showed multiple debit entries running into hundreds of millions of naira between September 19 and October 2, 2025, including N100 million, N80 million, N90 million, N70 million, and N50 million transfers. The witness said these transactions carried different narrations but were traced to funding the coup plot under investigation. He also confirmed financial links between Colonel Ma’aji, Timipre Sylva, and other defendants before the court.

The alleged coup plot first came to public attention when the federal government abruptly cancelled a planned military parade to mark Nigeria’s 65th Independence Anniversary on October 1, 2025. Officials cited security threats, though speculation immediately linked the cancellation to a possible coup attempt. The military initially denied the reports, but in January 2026, it announced that 16 officers would be tried before a military court for attempting to oust the president. Those facing trial at the Federal High Court are civilians or retired military personnel alleged to have been part of the conspiracy.

The charges were filed by Attorney General of the Federation Lateef Fagbemi, and the six defendants were arraigned on April 22, 2026, before Justice Abdulmalik on a 13-count charge marked FHC/ABJ/CR/206/2026. Those named in the charge are: Major General Mohammed Ibrahim Gana (retired) as 1st defendant; Captain Erasmus Ochegobia Victor (retired) as 2nd defendant; Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim as 3rd defendant; Zekeri Umoru as 4th defendant; Bukar Kashim Goni as 5th defendant; and Abdulkadir Sani as 6th defendant, an Islamic cleric based in Zaria, Kaduna State.

READ ALSO:

• How Ojukwu ‘deliberately frustrated’ Nigeria’s last peace chance before Civil War — Gowon
• Sold for ₦18,000 Each, Resold for ₦76,000: Two Minors Rescued After 4 Months
• Oyo Grand Chief Imam Declares Marathon Prayers Over Insecurity, Peace of Oyoland

A former Minister of State for Petroleum Resources and former Governor of Bayelsa State, Timipre Sylva, who is alleged to be part of the plot, is listed as being at large. Court documents suggest he fled the country before the plot was exposed. After the allegations emerged last October, Sylva denied links to a coup plot after his house was ransacked by investigators. An arrest warrant was issued for him the following month in a separate case launched by the anti-corruption agency. At the time, his spokesman said the former minister was in the UK for a medical check-up and that the allegations were politically motivated.

The defendants face charges ranging from treason and terrorism to failure to disclose security intelligence and money laundering linked to terrorism financing. The Federal Government alleged that the defendants, sometime in September 2025, conspired to levy war against the state to overawe President Tinubu, an offence punishable under Section 37(2) of the Criminal Code. It was further alleged that the defendants had prior knowledge of a planned treasonable act involving Colonel Ma’aji and others but failed to alert the appropriate authorities, and also failed to use reasonable endeavours to prevent the commission of the offence. All six defendants pleaded not guilty when the charges were read in court.

Justice Abdulmalik adjourned the matter until May 21 for the continuation of the trial-within-trial being conducted to ascertain the voluntariness or otherwise of the statements made by the six defendants. The trial-within-trial was initiated after the six defendants challenged the voluntariness of their statements, with defence lawyers arguing that their clients made the statements under duress. Defence lawyers also complained of restricted access to their clients, claiming they had been unable to meet them since September 2025, which would mean they were arrested ahead of the Independence Day parade. The prosecution has maintained that the defendants gave confessional statements voluntarily, were calm during interrogation, and were fully aware of their constitutional rights before making their statements.

In a controversial move, Justice Abdulmalik barred journalists from covering the trial on April 26. Although the prosecution made no application for a secret trial, security officers attached to the trial judge escorted journalists out of the courtroom before proceedings began. Journalists who arrived as early as 8 a.m. to secure seats were ordered to vacate them and leave immediately. When reminded that the trial of alleged coup plotters was a matter of public importance, the security officers insisted they were simply following the judge’s orders.

Colonel Mohammed Alhassan Ma’aji, the alleged mastermind of the coup plot, was arrested along with other alleged accomplices and is due to go on trial at a military court along with 16 other serving officers, separate from the civilian defendants appearing before the Federal High Court. The trial is scheduled to continue on May 21, 2026, with the judge expected to rule on the admissibility of the defendants’ statements following the conclusion of the trial-within-trial. If the judge finds that the statements were made voluntarily, they will be admitted as evidence in the main trial. The Federal Government has indicated that it will continue to present witnesses and evidence, including the video testimony of Umoru and the forensic analysis of Ma’aji’s phone and jotter, as it seeks to prove the 13-count charge against the accused persons. For the six defendants who have pleaded not guilty, their legal teams are expected to continue challenging the prosecution’s evidence while seeking bail for their clients, who remain in the custody of the Department of State Services pending the determination of the case.

Coup Plot: How conspirators planned to cut power to Aso Rock – Witness tells court

How Ojukwu ‘deliberately frustrated’ Nigeria’s last peace chance before Civil War — Gowon

ABUJA — Former Head of State, Yakubu Gowon, has reopened one of the most painful chapters in Nigeria’s history, accusing late Biafran leader, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, of frustrating repeated efforts to stop the country from sliding into civil war. The claim is contained in Gowon’s newly released 859-page autobiography, “My Life of Duty and Allegiance,” which offers a deeply personal account of the failed peace talks, political mistrust, and constitutional disputes that shattered negotiations between the federal military government and the Eastern Region before the 1967–1970 Nigerian Civil War. Gowon, now 92 years old, spoke extensively in the autobiography about the tensions that followed the January and July 1966 coups and the events that eventually pushed Nigeria into a 30-month war that claimed an estimated one to three million lives. The book was launched at a well-attended ceremony at the Bola Tinubu International Conference Centre in Abuja, attended by Vice President Kashim Shettima and former President Goodluck Jonathan.

“Ojukwu deliberately and effectively thwarted every effort we made to amicably resolve our national issues,” Gowon wrote in the memoir. The former military ruler said several attempts were made to reach a political settlement after the killings of Igbos in parts of Northern Nigeria triggered outrage, fear, and growing separatist pressure in the Eastern Region. According to him, the federal military government agreed to the January 1967 meeting in Aburi, Ghana, believing dialogue could still prevent the collapse of the federation. “We went to Aburi with open minds and with the sincere hope of finding a basis for national reconciliation,” Gowon wrote. The meeting, brokered by former Ghanaian leader Lt.-Gen. Joseph Arthur Ankrah, brought together Nigeria’s top military officers at a time the country was already under severe strain from coups, ethnic killings, and deepening distrust within the armed forces.

READ ALSO:

• Sold for ₦18,000 Each, Resold for ₦76,000: Two Minors Rescued After 4 Months
• Oyo Grand Chief Imam Declares Marathon Prayers Over Insecurity, Peace of Oyoland
• No Fatalities in Zaria Mosque Collapse Despite Social Media Rumors

But Gowon said the talks ran into trouble after both sides returned from Ghana with different interpretations of what had been agreed. In a separate interview on Arise TV, Gowon provided further details on the fundamental disagreement that derailed the accord, revealing that Ojukwu’s demand for regional control of military forces was a red line the federal government could not cross. “Although we said that the military would be zoned, you know, the control… he wanted, you know, those zones to be commanded by the governor. Say you have a military zone in the north, it would be commanded by the governor of the military in the north; the military zone in the east would be commanded by, you know, by him,” Gowon explained. “Of course, we did not agree with that one.” Gowon emphasized that the federal delegation never intended the summit to serve as a platform for constitutional restructuring or military devolution. “What was presented by Ojukwu as the Aburi Accord was, in reality, his own interpretation of our discussions,” he wrote.

The former leader also disclosed that he was unwell upon returning from the summit and unable to respond promptly to the terms Ojukwu had announced publicly, which he said led to confusion. “Unfortunately, I know people would not believe it, I was having a serious attack of a kind of fever or whatever it is, and I could not make a decision,” he noted. Gowon accused Ojukwu of acting unilaterally by announcing the accord’s outcome without mutual clarification. To address the ambiguity, Gowon said the federal government organized a follow-up meeting in Benin City with all regional governors — an effort Ojukwu ultimately snubbed, citing safety concerns. “We had to organise a meeting of all the governors. And he was invited to attend so that we can deal with the Accord. And we met at Nifo in Benin. And he did not turn up,” Gowon recounted. He expressed regret that the opportunity to salvage the accord was lost due to Ojukwu’s absence. “If he had come to that meeting, we could have resolved it.”

Beyond the diplomatic breakdown, Gowon’s autobiography contains explosive allegations that Ojukwu was secretly preparing for war even as peace talks progressed. The former head of state claimed that the Eastern Region’s arms build-up suffered a setback in October 1966 after a DC-4 aircraft carrying weapons crashed in the hills of Northern Cameroon. “It did not matter that his plan was to buy some more time to enable him to stockpile arms and ammunition. We were also mindful that he had cleverly planned to apply the brakes on our ability to deploy the numerical advantage of the existing firepower of the Nigerian Army,” Gowon wrote. In a dramatic revelation, Gowon’s autobiography alleges that France supported Ojukwu’s secessionist efforts in exchange for control of Biafra’s mineral deposits. The former head of state wrote that Ojukwu mortgaged the mineral wealth of Biafra to the Rothschild banking family for approximately $10 million (about N5 million at the time) to secure French-backed support for the rebel government. According to Gowon, as the war intensified, France provided the rebel government with enormous support through the former African territories it controlled, with the backing provided in exchange for what France hoped to gain from a successful Biafran breakaway. The true depth of the transaction only became known when the Nigerian Consulate in New York intercepted intelligence on a B-26 aircraft purchase routed through a South American country.

READ ALSO:

• Fuel Subsidy, FX Reforms: Cabals Plot to Destabilise Nigeria — Tinubu
• Forland, TSS Motors strengthen technical capacity with specialised truck training
• Iran Threatens Wider War Beyond Middle East If US Attacks Again

Gowon further alleged that Ojukwu confirmed the arms stockpiling during a meeting in Enugu in May 1967 with a delegation of the National Conciliation Committee comprising Obafemi Awolowo, Samuel Aluko, Jereton Mariere, and J.I.C. Onyia. According to Gowon, Ojukwu declared during that meeting that the Eastern Region had attained “equality of arms,” which would allow it to negotiate Nigeria’s future from a position of strength. Gowon quoted Ojukwu as saying: “Quietly I built up. If you do not know it, I am proud, and my officers are proud, that here in the East we possess the biggest army in Black Africa. I am no longer speaking as an underdog; I am speaking from a position of power.” However, Gowon dismissed Ojukwu’s claim as exaggeration, insisting that federal forces still maintained a clear military advantage. “I did not believe Ojukwu’s play to the gallery; I only said to myself that we would see about that,” he wrote.

The memoir also sheds light on the early tensions between the two leaders, revealing that Ojukwu opposed Gowon’s emergence as Head of State after the July 1966 counter-coup. Gowon disclosed that Ojukwu preferred Brigadier Babafemi Ogundipe, the most senior officer in the army hierarchy, to succeed the murdered Major General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi. “Ojukwu refused my offer of friendship. By extension, he wilfully refused to recognise my leadership,” Gowon wrote. Despite Ojukwu’s refusal to recognise his authority, Gowon said he retained him as military governor of the Eastern Region in what he described as an altruistic decision. “My decision to retain Ojukwu in office was altogether altruistic though subsequent events made it seem a huge mistake,” he wrote. Gowon also revealed that he personally intervened to stop any move against Ojukwu, as some northern officers believed the Eastern governor was complicit in the January 15, 1966 coup that led to the assassination of key northern political and military leaders.

Gowon also defended the federal military government’s decision to create 12 states shortly before Biafra’s declaration, saying the move was aimed at addressing fears of domination among minority ethnic groups. According to him, several minority communities in the old Eastern Region wanted direct recognition from the federal government and feared being politically overshadowed. “The creation of states was intended to give all groups a sense of belonging within Nigeria,” he wrote. Gowon rejected claims that the federal government was eager for war, insisting that military confrontation became unavoidable only after the declaration of Biafra on May 30, 1967. The former military ruler also defended the ‘No Victor, No Vanquished’ policy announced at the end of the Civil War in January 1970, saying reconciliation and reintegration were necessary to rebuild the country after years of bloodshed. “We fought to keep Nigeria one, not to destroy a people,” Gowon wrote. “We had to think about the future of the country beyond the bitterness of war,” he added. “We exhausted every peaceful avenue available to us. But Nigeria had to survive.”

Gowon’s claims have not gone unchallenged. The apex Igbo socio-cultural group, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, swiftly rejected the former head of state’s account, accusing him of rewriting history. The Deputy National Publicity Secretary of Ohanaeze, Ikechukwu Oji, insisted that Gowon was the one who reneged on the Aburi Peace Accord. “The Aburi Peace Accord was signed and the specific terms and conditions were stated in a document that is available in the archive,” Oji said. “Unfortunately, after Gowon got home from Ghana, he was wrongly advised by some international bodies and locals not to implement the agreement that had been signed.” Similarly, a group called Rising Sun accused Gowon of distorting history, arguing that the demand for regional control of security forces was a legitimate push for justice and true federalism. “If Nigeria had followed the Aburi Accord in its true form, there would have been no war. There would have been no genocide,” the group’s statement read.

The Aburi meeting, held from January 4–5, 1967, was one of the last-ditch efforts to preserve Nigeria’s unity in the face of mounting ethnic tensions. The failure to implement the accord ultimately paved the way for the declaration of the Republic of Biafra and the onset of a brutal civil war. The book presentation attracted significant financial backing from Nigeria’s economic elite, with former Defence Minister Theophilus Danjuma donating three billion naira and ordering copies distributed to twenty university libraries. Industrialist Aliko Dangote contributed 500 million naira, while businessman Abdul Samad Rabiu purchased copies worth 25 million naira. Speaking at the launch, former President Goodluck Jonathan lamented that valuable chapters of West African history are routinely lost when key actors remain silent, while Catholic Bishop Matthew Kukah described the volume as an important masterclass in selfless stewardship.

How Ojukwu ‘deliberately frustrated’ Nigeria’s last peace chance before Civil War — Gowon

Sold for ₦18,000 Each, Resold for ₦76,000: Two Minors Rescued After 4 Months 

AKURE — In a harrowing case of child trafficking in Nigeria, an Akure Magistrate’s Court has heard how two minors were allegedly abducted from a riverbank in Ondo State, sold for ₦18,000 each, and forced to hawk goods on the streets of Benin City, Edo State, for four months before being rescued.

The victims — a 14‑year‑old and a 15‑year‑old at the time of their abduction in November 2025 — were later resold to another buyer for ₦76,000, the court was told. They have since been reunited with their families.

The prosecutor, Augustine Omheneimhen, told the court that the offences occurred around 9 a.m. at 1, Chama Street, Ute, in Ondo State. The two boys were playing near a riverbank when the defendants approached them and claimed their father wanted to see them in Ogbese. Trusting the men, the minors followed. Instead of being taken to their father, they were first moved to the Utesi area, where they spent a night in captivity. The next day, they were transported to Benin City, Edo State — a known hotspot for human trafficking in Nigeria.

Once in Benin City, the boys were sold for ₦18,000 each to the wife of one of the defendants’ brothers. They were given trays and forced to hawk goods on busy streets. For four months, the minors lived in captivity. For two of those months, they were separated from each other. In a shocking twist, the court also heard that the boys were later resold to another individual for ₦76,000.

READ ALSO:

• Oyo Grand Chief Imam Declares Marathon Prayers Over Insecurity, Peace of Oyoland
• No Fatalities in Zaria Mosque Collapse Despite Social Media Rumors
• Fuel Subsidy, FX Reforms: Cabals Plot to Destabilise Nigeria — Tinubu

The case took a turn when the defendants contacted the victims’ parents and demanded an additional ₦10,000. That contact allowed the police to trace the boys’ location. Police prosecutor Omheneimhen noted that statements from the victims and the first defendant provided enough grounds for the court to remand the suspects. The boys were eventually reunited with their families.

The three defendants — John Ushie, 32; Innocent Ushie, 50; and Evelyn Innocent, 38 — were arraigned on charges of child trafficking, abduction, and slavery. According to the prosecutor, their offences contravene Section 369 and are punishable under Sections 369(2)(6)(7) and 362 of the Criminal Code Law of Ondo State. All three pleaded not guilty. Presiding Magistrate O. Lebi ordered the defendants remanded in the correctional centre in Ondo City. The case was adjourned until August 4, 2026, with a directive to transfer the matter to the Family Magistrate Court in Akure.

This case is not isolated. Child trafficking in Nigeria remains a widespread problem, driven by poverty, family breakdown, and weak enforcement. Edo State has been repeatedly identified by the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP) as a major source and destination for human trafficking in Nigeria, especially for forced labour and sexual exploitation. In recent operations, NAPTIP rescued 184 suspected trafficking victims in Plateau State in February 2026, including pregnant women and teenagers. In Taraba State, 10 trafficked children were intercepted at a motor park and reunited with their families. Traffickers increasingly use fake scholarships, fraudulent job offers, and claims of family emergencies to lure victims — exactly as seen in this Ondo case. NAPTIP has urged parents and guardians to warn children against following anyone, even familiar faces, without verification.

If you suspect a case of child trafficking in Nigeria, report immediately to NAPTIP via their toll-free line: 627 (Nigerian only). Your tip could save a child from forced labour, abuse, or worse.

Sold for ₦18,000 Each, Resold for ₦76,000: Two Minors Rescued After 4 Months